
Class _ L,_a02> 
Book ."P <^.4 



LETTERS 



TO AND FROM 



RICHARD PRICE, D.D., F.R.S. 



1767-1790 



/ / 

;' 



LETTERS 

TO AND FROM 

RICHARD PRICE, D.D., F.R.S. 

1707-1700 ILL 



[Reprinted from the I'hoceehincs of the Massachusetts IIisTOKrcAL 
Society, May, 1903.] 



>« ■ »»■> • > » 



CAMBRIDGE: 

JOHN WILSON AND SON. 

SaiiibcvsitB iartss. 

1903. 



E 2b^ 

Tm4 




L E T T E R S. 



At a stated meeting of the Massachusetts Historical 
Society, held May 14, 1903, the President in the chair, Mr. 
Norton presented a parcel of copies of letters, eighty-one 
in number, addressed to Rev. Dr. Price by various corre- 
spondents, and extending in date from 1767 to 1790. The 
larger part of these letters have, so far as is known, never 
been published, but manjf of them are of interest, not merely 
from the high distinction of the persons by whom they were 
written, but also as containing contemporary accounts of im- 
portant events. In the parcel are several letters of Franklin, 
of Jefferson, of Rev. Dr. Chauncy, Professor Winthrop, and 
others. One of Dr. Chauncy's letters and one of those of 
Professor Winthrop are devoted to an account of the Battle 
of Bunker Hill. These copies of letters are presented to the 
Society for publication, if it choose, b}' Mr. Walter Ashburner 
(the son of the late Samuel Ashburner of Boston), now a bar- 
rister in Loudon, who holds the originals as a direct descend- 
ant from Dr. Price's sister. Dr. Price himself had no children. 
In a memorandum sent to Mr. Norton, Mr. Ashburner writes : 

"Richard Price, D.D., F.R.S , to whom or by whom the letters now 
published were written, was a man of varied interests. He was by pro- 
fession a Unitarian minister, but lie was also an authority on questions 
of life assurance, and — in bis latter years at any rate — he derived a 
considerable income from answering questions on subjects connected 
with the expectation of life. He was a voluminous writer — on reli- 
gion, morals, politics, and mathematics. He was a strong liberal and 
a warm friend (as these letters show) to the American cause. Such 
a man necessarily carried ou an extensive correspoiideuce, but the 
greater part of it has perished. 



4 

"Dr. Price by his will, which bears date the 25tli of May. 17S11, 
gave his residue in equal shares to his nephews Williaiii Morgan and 
George Cadogan Morgan, and appointed them his executors. George 
Cadogan Morgan, also a Unitarian minister, iiitendeil to write his 
uncle's life, but died — in 1798 — before he had carried out his plan. 
William Morgan, the other nephew, published in 1815 a thin volume of 
memoirs of the life of Dr. Price. William Morgan was a distinguished 
mathematician and for many years actuary of the E<|uitaUle Assurance 
Society of London, but he was not a good biographer. Nor does he 
seem to have taken much care of Dr. Price's papers. It was very 
different with Miss Sara Travers, William Morgan's granddaughter, 
into whose possession the remains of the Price correspondence eventu- 
ally came. Miss Travers was devoted to the memory of her eminent 
relative and of all his group of friends. She cherished whatever had 
any association with them ; favoured guests were offered tea out of a 
teapot which Dr. Franklin had given to Dr. Price. Miss Travers 
united in a singular degree the keenest interest in the present with a 
respect for the past. She inherited the strong liberal tendencies of 
Dr. Price and his family. She inherited also the intelligence and the 
character which had gained for Dr. Price the affection and esteem of 
so wide a circle of friends. Miss Travers had solid learning and varied 
accomplishments without a trace of pedantry or vanity. Those who 
have had the happiness of knowing her will never forget either the 
intellectual vivacity which did not desert her in extreme old age, or 
the charm of her conversation, or her great kindness of heart. 

" Miss Travers by her will left the Price papers to her cousin. Miss 
Caroline E. Williams, of 4 Vicarage Gate, London, who is the grand- 
daughter of a sister of William and George Cadogan Morgan, and 
theri^fore (like Miss Travers) a great-grandniece of Dr. Price,' Miss 
Williams has lately given the greater part of the Price papers to her 
cousin, the writer of these lines, who is himself a great-grandson of 
George Cadogan Morgan." 

The papers were referred to the Standing Committee.^ 

1 Mi.ss Williams is author of a work, " A Welsli Kainily," wliicli ik';ils 
with the I'ricL' ami Morgan families, and is basud on family papers In her 
possession. 

2 Uesidcs the letters now printed, and a few others whieh do not seem to 1»' 
of sutticient importance tor permanent preservation, there are in Mr. Ashburner's 
valuable gift copies of the following letters, which are printed in whole or in 
part, in William Morgan's " Memoir of the I-ife of the Uev. Dr. I'rice," — from 
Arthur Lee, Dec. 8, 1778; Benjamin Franklin, Oct. 22, 1767; Oct. 3, 1775;. June 
1:5, 1782; May 31,1789; Benjamin Hnsh, April 24, HflO; John Clark, April. 1785; 
John Wlieelock, August, 1785; in " Works of John Jay," his letter of .Sept. 27, 
1785; and in " Works of Thomas JelTerson," his letters of Aug 7, 1785; Jan. 8, 
1789; May 19, 1789. — Eds. 



BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO HICHARD PRICE. 

CuAVEN STiiEET, Satunl.iy, Aug I. — 67. 

Rev" and dear Sir, — Last night I received a letter from D'^ 
Robertson, acquainting me that the University of Pj<liiiburgh have on 
my recommendation conferr'd the degree of D' in Divinity upon the 
Rev'' M' Cooper of Boston ; ' an event, that when I last had the pleasure 
of seeing you, you may remember I was desirous of waiting for, before 
I should be concern'd in any new jipplicatioii of the same kind. And 
indeed as I have made three already, I begin to feel a little unwilling 
to apply again immediately to the same University iu favour of another, 
lest they should think me troublesome, tho' they have hitherto been 
very obliging. And recollecting that you mentioned your having a 
correspondence with the Principal of the College at Glasgow, I now 
purpose applying to that University for M' Elliot's degree,^ if you 
approve of it, and will with M' Radclitfe address your recommendation 
to the same place, to accompany mine. Please to present my respectful 
compliments to M'" Price and M" Barker; and believe me, with sincere 
esteem, dear Sir, 

Your most obedient, humble servant, 

B. Franklin. 

M' Price. 

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO RICHARD PRICE. 

Craven Street, Sept. 28, 1772, 
Dear Sir, — Inclos'd I send you D' Priestly's last letter, of which 
a part is for you, he says ; but the whole seems as proper for you as for 
me. I did not advise him pro or con, but only explain'd to him my 
method of judging for myself in doubtful cases, by what I called Pru- 
denlinl Algebra. 

If he had come to town, and preach'd here sometimes, I fancy Sir 
John P." would now and then have been one of his hearers ; for he 
likes his theology as well as his philosophy. Sir John has ask'd me 
if I knew where he could go to hear a preacher of rd.t.lonti] Christianity. 
I told him I knew several of them, but did not know where their 
churches were in town ; out of town, I meution'd yours at Newington, 
and ofTer'd to go with him. He agreed to it, but said we should (irst 
let you know our intention. I suppose, if nothing in his profession 

' Rev. Samuel Cooper, minister of the Brattle Street Cliurch, received the de- 
gree of Doctor of Divhiity from the University of Edinburgli in 1767. — Eds. 

■^ Rev. Andrew Eliot, minister of tlie New Nortli Cliurch, received the degree 
of Doctor of Divinity from the University of Edinburgh in 1767. — Eus. 

^ Sir John Pringle, an eminent pliysieian in London, from 1772 to 1778 Presi- 
dent of the Royal Society. See Dictionary of National Biography, vol. xlvi. 
pp. .386-388. — Eds. 



prevents, we may come, if you please, next Sunday ; but if you some- 
times preach in town, that will be most convenient to him, and I re- 
quest you would by a Hue let me know when and where. If there are 
dissenting preachers of that sort at this end of the town, 1 wish you 
would recommend one to me, naming the place of his meeting. And 
if you please, give me a list of several, in different parts of the towu, 
perhaps he may encline to take a round among them. At preseut I 
believe he has no view of attending constantly anywhere, but now and 
then only as it may suit his convenience. All this to yourself. 

My best respects to M"* Price and M'" Barker. With sincere wishes 
for your health and welfare, I am ever, my dear Friend, 
Yours most affectionately, 

B. F"kanklin. 

])' I'lilCE. 



CHARLES CHAUNCYi TO RICHARD PRICE. 

Boston, Octr. 5tli, 1772. 

Revd. and deak Sik, — Yours, with your book on " Annuities," 
&c., I have received, for which I return you my hearty thanks. I am 
not myself a capable judge of performances of this kind, not having 
had occ.ision to turn my thots upon such subjects: I can, however, 
most obviousU' discern in that work the marks of a very superior pen, 
a pen which has set you above most writers, and of distiuguisht char- 
acter too. Soon after the receipt of your book, I lent it to Mr Win- 
throp, Hollisian Professor of Malhematicks and Phylosophy at our 
Colleiie in Cambridge, and Fellow of the Royal Society in London, 
who red it with plea.^uro, and spake of you in such terms of honor as 
would look like flattery should I mention them to you. He has enter- 
tained an high opinion of your abilities. 

The situation of political affairs in this Province, particularly, is 
very unhappy. In addition to our other grievances, our (iovernor and 
the Judges of our highest executive Court arc made wholly inilepenchmt 
of the [)eople here, and so dependant on administration at home that 
we can expect no other conduct in them but what will be pleasing to 
those who are endeavouring to fasten on us the chains of slavery; and 
what aggravates our unhappiness is, that the money, by whicli these offi- 
cers in the government are tempted to lie tools to carry into execution the 
arbitrary designs of those who hate us, is unconstitutionally taken out 
of our pockets and wickedly made use of to annibalate our privileges by 
chart(;r and rights as HInglishnien. What may be the effect of having 
an absolute despot for our (Governor, and .Judges under a strong biass 

' Minister of tlie First Church, Boston. He w.is born in Boston, .Inn. 1, 1705, 
gra<luiitccl ,at Harvard College in 1721, onlaincti in 1727, and died Fcl). 10, 1787. 
Sec Ellis's History of tlie First Church, i)]). 108-208. — Eds. 



in favor of the measures of those who, with our money wrongfully taken 
from us, pay them for their judgments, time only will discover. People 
here of all sorts are greatly uneasie, loud complaints are uttered, both 
in the public prints and iu private conversation, the Ministry at home 
are abhorred, and so are those who have the chief management of our 
political affairs here. The alternative now seems to be, a submission to 
slavery, or au exertion of our selves to be delivered from it. Which 
of these will take place, and in what way and manner, I know not. 
My great support is, that half a century will so increase our number 
and strength, as to put it in the power of New-England only to tell any 
tyrants in Great Britain in plain English, that they will be a free 
people, in opposition to all they can do to prevent it. But not to trouble 
you any longer with our political troubles. 

The Doctrine of Fatalism, asserted and maintained in a book printed 
by Mr. Edwards, a minister in New-England, and reprinted in London 
a few years ago, has, by the assistance of some who were friends to 
these sentiments, unhappily taken a large spread, especially in the 
Colony of Connecticutt. The book I herewith send you (which is the 
only one I have as yet been able to procure) contains the whole of 
what the Propagators of Fatalism have to say in its defence, as it is 
the product of all their heads put together.^ I believe you never saw 
the Supreme Being, in any book, so explicitly and directly made the 
author and planner of moral evil. 'Tis to me astonishing that any 
man who professes a regard to the Deity, as these men do, should be 
able to speak of him as so ordering and disposing things as that moral 
evil should certainly be introduced into the world, and that it is desire- 
able it should be, and for the greater good too, though great numbers 
on account of it shall suffer everlasting punishment. Nothing, as I 
imagine, could be said worse of the Prince of the power of the Air. 
I should be glad to have your thots, when at leisure, upon this per- 
formance, especially that part of it which relates to the introduction of 
sin into the world, by the ordering and disposal of God, and for the 
good of the creation. This performance is supposed by too many to 
contain the truth, and to exhibit it in an unanswerable way. 

I fear I have been too tedious ; and shall therefore only add, that I 
am, with all due respect, 

Your assured friend and humble servant, 

Charles Chaunct. 

ReV' Dr. Rich.ird Price. 

1 The reference is apparently to Rev. Steplien West's " Essay on Moral 
Agency : containing Remarks on a late anonymous public.Ttion entitled An 
Examination of the late Reverend President Edwards's Enquiry on Freedom 
of Will." The " E.xamination " was by Rev. James Dana, for many years min- 
ister at Wallingford, Conn., and afterward at New Haven. — Eds. 



CHARLKS CHAUNCY TO lUCHARD PRICE. 

Boston, May 30tli, 1774. 
Revd. and dear Sir, — Yours of last Novemr. I have received, 
for wliicli I tbiiuk you. The inclosed pamphlet you might witli good 
reason liope would have produced some good effect.' So far as I am 
capable of judging, (and my poor judgment perfectly agrees with the 
judgment of the most sensible men we have among us, to whom I have 
given opportunity of reading your book) you have clearly and demon- 
strably pointed out the way in which the nation may be saved from 
sinking under the heavy debt that lies upon them. I can attribute 
it to nothing but a spirit of infatuation in those who are entrusted 
with the management of your public aff"airs, that you are so evidently 
hastening to a state of ruin. And this, as I imagine, will be the case 
with respect to the American Colonies, should they tamely submit to 
the t3'ranny of those British ministers who are endeavouring to enslave 
us. But, I trust in God, we have more virtue and resolution than 
to sit still and suffer chains to be fastened on us. The late act of Par- 
liament, shutting up the port of Boston, and putting it out of the power 
of thousands of poor innocents to preserve themselves from starving, 
is so palpably cruel, barbarous, and inhumane, that even those who 
are called the friends of Government complain bitterly of it : nor do I 
know of any whose eyes are not opened to see plainly tiiat <lesp()tisin, 
which nuisi end in slavery, is the plan to be carried into execnlion. 
This Hritisii edict, which, without all doubt, was an intended blow at 
the liberties of all the American Colonies, will, I believe, under the 
blessing of Providence, be the very thing which will bring salvation to 
us. The town of Boston, the Massachusetts-Province, and the other 
Colonies, far from being intimidated by the horrid severity and injustice 
of this Port-act, are rather filled with indignation, and more strongly 
spirited than ever to uuite in concerting measures to render void its 
designed operation. We have found by experience, that no depend- 
ance can be had upon merchants, either at home, or in Ameriia. so 
many of them are so mercenary as to find within themselves a readi- 
ness to become slaves themselves, as well as to be accessory to the 
slavery of others, if they imagine they may, by this means, serve their 
own private separate interest. Our dependance, under God, is upon 
the landed interest, upon our freeholders and yeamonry. By not 
buying of the merchants what they may as well do without, they may 
keep in their own pockets two or three millions sterling a year, which 
would otherwise be exported to Great- Brittain. I have reason to 
think the effect of this barbarous Port-act will be an agreement among 
the freeholders and yeamonry of all the Colonies, not to purchase 

' l*ri)l)!il)ly the new edition of Price's pamplilet entitled " Appeal to tlie 
Publir oil tlie Subject of the National Debt." — Eds. 



9 

of the merchants any goods from Englaud, unless some few excepted 
ones, till we are put into the enjoyment of our constitutional rights and 
priveleges. The plain truth is, we can in America live within our- 
selves, and it woulil be much for our interest not to import a great 
deal from England ; and as things are now carrying on with such an 
high hand, I believe the Americans will see where their interest lies. 
We need only to pursue what is certainly our interest, and the nation 
at home will suffer a thousand times more than we shall in this part of 
the world ; and I am ready to think they will find this to be a truth 
from their own perceptions in a little time. But I cannot enlarge, as I 
am at present much indisposed. I should not indeed on this account 
have wrote now, but that I knew not how long it would be before I 
could have another opportunity of writing. 

I send you herewith '' Observations on the Boston Port-bill " by a 
young lawyer, of a sprightly genius and strong powers.' They were 
penned in haste, but you will readily perceive that they are highly per- 
tinent and spirited. 

I am, wishing you all hap|)iness, with great respect 

Your friend and humble servant, 

Revd. Dr. Price. Charles CiiaUNCT. 



CHARLES CHAUNCY TO RICHARD PRICE. 

Boston, .July 18th, 1774. 
Revd. and dear Sir, — The inclosed letter of May 30th (with a- 
pamphlet) would have come to you by Capt. Calf, but that he unexpect- 
edly sailed the day before I went to his house to give it to him. In addi- 
tion to what I then wrote, I would now say, tho it must be in great haste, 
as I knew not of this opportunity but a few minutes since, and must 
deliver my letter to Capt. Folgier in two hours time at furthest, — there 
never was such an union in the Colonies as at this day. The cause for 
which we in this town are suffering, they look upon as the common 
cause of all North-America, their cause as truly as ours, tho we are 
the more immediate sufferers. They sympathize with us, they offer 
us their help, and will chearfully join with us, as one, in such expedi- 
ents as may be judged wise and proper to assist a redress of the griev- 
ances we are groaning under : nor do they satisfy themselves with 
mere words, but give us the highest assurance that they are in real 
earnest, for that they are, throughout the Continent, making provision 
for the support of the numerous sufferers in this town, which is the 
first object, of ministerial vengeances. Their bountiful donations from 
one part of the country and another are daily flowing in upon us. 

• The well-known pamphlet by Josiali Quincy, Jr., was published just before 
this letter was written. — Ed.s. 



10 

Wagp;ous, loaded with grain, and shoep, luindreds in a drove, are sent 
to us from one and another of the towns, not only in this, hut 
the neighbouring Colonies. Two hundred and fifteen teirces of rice, 
part of a thousand devoted to our servioe, are arrived at Salem from 
South-Carolina, where thousands of pounds sterling more (as we hear) 
are subscribed for our support, while firm in our refusals to be made 
slaves. We have authentic accounts from all the Colonies, that, in 
every country, in all the towns belonging to them, monies are collect- 
ing for our supply with provisions, and assurances given us that we shall 
not want, should we be continued in our suffering state. The indiL'iia- 
tion universally excited m all sorts of persons (a few commissioned or 
mercenary ones oidy excepted) throughout America, by means of the 
Boston-port-bill, almost exceeds belief; and 'tis so heightened, since 
the passing the two other parliamentary acts more immediately affect- 
ing the Massachusetts-Province, that the whole Continent is in readi- 
ness to exert themselves to the utmost in all reasonable ways to bring 
forward our deliverance. And it may be worthy of particular notice, 
the union of the Colonies and their intention of liberality in donations 
for our relief were the result of their own thots, previous to any appli- 
cations to them from this town or Province. They first wrote to us, 
remonstrating against the treatment we had met with, and looking 
upon what was done to us as a specimen of what would be done to 
them also, if not in some way or other prevented. South-Carolina, 
Virginia, Maryland, New-York, the Jersies, New-Hampshire, tlio un- 
chartered governments, exceed even the Massachusetts-Province in 
their resentments of what has been done against us; and in some of 
them there have been greater commotions and insurrections than any 
complained of in Boston, or the Province it belongs to, notwithstand- 
ing they are under a like form of government with that the Parliament, 
in their two late acts, would place us under, to the destruction of our 
charter-rights, the purchase of much treasure and blood. There will 
be a congress of all the Colonies, by their deputies at Philadelphia on 
the first day of September next, as I suppose ; that being the day 
which was fixed on for this purpose by the Massachusetts- Assembly 
last month, for which reason more especiall}' they were dissolved by 
the Governour, So far as I can learn, 'tis not in the intention of 
the Deputies going to the abovementioned Congress, or of any of the 
l)eople in this, or the other Colonies, to contend with Great-Britain. 
Their view is to bear with patience their treatment of us, however hard 
and cruel ; at the same time, making it a point they will firmly and 
sacredly abide by, to live within themselves, and save those millions 
that are annually exported to England for what we can live very com- 
fortably without having. It would be highly grievous, and the last 
thing the Colonies woiihl wish, to be obliged to stand upon their own 
defence ags(,ingt military torce should it l)e used with them ; but this, 



11 

should no other expedient be effectual, I believe, they certainly would 
do. All the Colonies desire is the full enjoyment of their rights and 
priveleges ; and should this be granted to them, Great Britain would 
hear of no commotions or disturbances, but that we were all united in 
love to the mother Country, and in a concern to promote the honor and 
welfare of the English nation : uor would his Majesty have, in any 
part of his extended domiuions, any subjects who would more readily 
venture their fortunes and lives in defence of his crown and the sup- 
port of his government. The use of force might be hurtful both to 
the nation at home as well as the Colonies here ; but the Colonies in- 
crease so fast, that finally England must be the greatest sufferer by a 
contention with them. I suppose, by the additions yearly made to us 
from abroad with our own natural increase, we double in 15 years. 
But I cannot enlarge, as I gladly would have done. In the greatest 
hurry I subscribe, with all respect, 

Your friend and humble servant, 

Charles Chauncy. 
Rev. Dr. Richard Price. 



CHARLES CHAUNCY TO RICHARD PRICE. 

Boston, Septemr. 13tli, 1774. 

Revd. Sir, — I sent you sometime since two small pacquets. by 
Capt. Folgier, which I trust you have received ; as he assured me he 
would deliver them with his own iiand. 

The bearer of this, Mr. Josiah Quincey, is a young gentleman of good 
powers, a sprightly genius, and thorow acquaintance with the constitu- 
tion of the American Colonies : nor has any one a more perfect knowl- 
edge of what has happened in this part of the world, both previous to 
and conseijueut upon the late acts of the British-parliament respecting 
Boston and the Massachusetts- Province, of which it is the metropolis. 
You may from him, should you desire it, be let into a clear and full idea 
of the sad situation we are now in. He goes to England strongly dis- 
posed to serve his country wherein he may be able ; and he will be tbe 
better able to do this, if he may by means of gentlemen of character at 
home have opportunity of conversing with those, either in or out of ad- 
ministration, who may have been led into wrong sentiments of the people 
in Boston and the Massachusetts-Province in these troublesome times. 
The favor I would ask of you is only this, that you would take so much 
notice of him as to introduce him, either yourself, or by the help of one 
or another of your friends, into the company of those who may have it 
in their power to be serviceable to the Colonies in general and this 
Province in particular ; as it is the first, in the view of administration, 
to be reduced to a state of slavery. 



12 

I ooiild jireatly cnlaiijc upon our political affairs ; hut I purposely 
avoid it, as you may liavo it much better done, viva voce, by Mr. 
(^uiticey. 

15e pleased to accept the inclosed small i)aniphlet ; ' which lias been 
well received here. I am, Revd. Sir, with all due respect, 
Your friend and humble servant, 

CUAKLES ClIAlNCY. 

I)r KicuAnn Price. 



JOHN WINTHROP^ TO RICHARD I'HICE. 

Camuhiuge, Nkw EMii.D., Septr. 20. 1771. 
Rkverend Sir,'' — I am very sensible I ought to make an apology lor 
addressing a gentleman of your distinction in the learned world. Indccil, 
the great satisfaction and instruction I have derived from your excellent 
writings, and your goodness to me in comrn\inicating _\our curious papers 
on the Aberration, tiiro' tiie hands of our common friend Dr. Franklin, 
merit my most grateful acknowledgements, yet I should scarcely have 
adventured to trouble you with a letter, on account of any thing that 
related merely to myself. 'Tis a much more important cause. Sir, that 
urges me on to the freedom I now take. It is the cause of distressed 
America, groaning under the hand of an oppressive power which 
threatens its ruin. The fate of millions is now at stake. The measures 
persued by Administration for ten years past, evidently designed tu 
abridge the Colonists of their liberties, one after another, were truly 
alarming ami of the most dangerous tendency. But they appear to be 
tritlcs, when com|)ared with the acts passed in the last session of Par- 
liament ; which, 1 believe, are not to be parallel'd in the liritish annals. 
The Act for Shntting up the Port of Boston struck every body with 
astonishment; that cruel Act which, by putting a stop to the trade on 
which the town wholly depended, must immediately have starveii or 
driven away almost all the iMhaliitaiits, had they not been supported by 
the very generous contributions of our sister Colonies, even in the 
farthest part of the Continent. But this Act, shocking as it was, seemed 
to be swallowed up in another which quickly followed it, of more ex- 
tensive and more fatal operation, — the Act for hetler rpf/ii/ttliitrj/ the 
government of the Province of the Massachusetts Bay which has, in 
fact, dissolved the government. It has mutilated the Charter, so as to 
leave oidy an empty pbantotn remaining; and, by depriving the people 

1 Probably an iinonymou.s pamphlet, by Dr. Chauncy, entitleil " A Letter to a 
Friend, givin}; a concise, but just, representation of the hanlsliips anil sufferings 
tlie town of IJoston is exposed to, anil must unilergo in consequence of the Kite 
act of tlic Hritish-Parliament," etc. — Eds. 

2 Hollis Professor f)f Mathematics anil Natural Pliilosojtliy in Harvard 
College ; l>orn in Hoston Dec. Ill, 1714 ; dieil in (^'amliriiige .May .S, 17711. — Ens. 

" A strip of paper has been pasted over the address. — l".i>s. 



13 

of every privilege, has erected an absolute despotism in the I'rovince. 
The Councillors, who, by Charter, were to be elected annually by the 
General Court, (subject, however, to the Governor's negative) are to 
be appointed by Mandamus from the King : the Judges, who before 
were paid bv the General Court, are now made totally dependent on 
the Crown for their salaries as well as their commissions : all other 
civil officers, as Justices of the Peace, Sheriffs, &c., are removable by 
the Governor at his sole pleasure, even without the advice or consent 
of this Mandamus Council : the Juries for trials, whose names were 
before drawn out of a box at a town-raeeting, in the manner of a lot- 
tery, which effectually precluded all design or collusion, are now to be 
returned by the Sheriff. By this arrangement, it is evident, the Gov- 
ernor has it in his power to command what verdict he pleases in any 
case. To crown all, the third Act was passed, entitled for the more 
impartial administiation of justice in this Province ; but, in reality, to 
pi'event the administration of justice. By this Act, any of the soldiers 
who should kill the inhabitants may, at the Governor's pleasure, be 
sent to any other Colony or to Great Britain for trial. The manifest 
design of which is, to empower the military to kill the inhabitants 
without danger or fear of punishment. 

The Governor insists on acting according to this new plan : The 
people are determined to adhere to the old one ; so that we have neither 
legislative nor executive powers in the Province. Things are ruiming 
fast into confusion ; and it seems as if it were designed to irritate the 
people into something which might be called rebellion. At all events, 
the people will never submit to the new system. Tlieir minds are uni- 
ver.sally agitated, to a degree not to be conceived by any person at a 
distance; and they are determined to abide all extremities, even the 
horrors of a civil war, rather than crouch to so wretched a state of 
vassallage. And these are the sentiments, not of a contemptible faction, 
as has been represented, nor of this Province only, hut of every Colony 
on the Continent. They all consider Boston as suffering in a common 
cause, and themselves as deeply interested in the event. For tho' the 
vengeance is immediately directed against Boston and this Province, 
they all expect the same treatment in their turn, uidess they tamely 
submit to the exorbitant power lately claimed by Parliaraenf.over them ; 
which they will never be brought to do. To submit to such a power 
would be to hold their lives, liberties and properties by the precarious 
tenure of the will of a British Minister. The sanction of Parliament, 
in their apprehension, makes no difference in the case ; they know full 
well in what maimer Parliamentary affairs are managed. Besides, 
they do not acknowlege the Commons of Great Britain as their Rep- 
resentatives. If the Ministry are resolved to push their schemes, 
nothing but desolation and misery is to be expected. 

I have given but a slight sketch of the present situation of all'airs 



14 

here, omitting many matters of great moment. Mr. Quincy, who will 
have the honor to wait n])ou you with this letter, can give you a much 
more distinct account than I can pretend to do by writing. He is a 
gentleman of the law, and eminent iu ids profession, and is making a 
voyage to England, with hopes of doing some service to his native 
country ; and I humbly hope you will be pleased to favor him with your 
countenance. 

I cannot but persuade myself, that a gentleman of so enlarged an 
understanding and so benevolent an heart as the author of the Disser- 
tation on Providence, &c., will excuse the freedom of this application ; 
which, I am sure, proceeds from an unexceptionable motive, — the love 
of my country, and that he will be ready to use the influence which his 
high reputation justly gives him, as far as he can with propriety, in 
favor of the oppressed. 

Willi sentiments of the highest esteem and respect, I am. Reverend 
Sir, 

Your most humble servant.' 



EARL OF SUELBURNE TO RICHARD PRICE. 

BowooD Park, 26 Deer., 1774. 

Dear Dr. Price, — I have this moment read your letter to Dr. 
Priestley, in which I find overkind mention of me, as I am us'd to from 
you. I shall be very glad to see Mr. Quincy, or any friend of yours. 

I have been so taken up with my private business, that I have not 
had time to return you the inclos'd, since you return'd to me the books 
mention'd in it. 

I have read with attention, however, the last paper, which you were so 
good to give me, and intend to read it 3 or 4 times jnore before I have 
the pleasure of seeing you. In the mean time there is only one partic- 
ular observation which occurrs to me. Is it not to be wish'd th' nothing 
sh'' be left to the discretion of the Commissioners, and that they could 
be made merely ministerial ? It's a vast object to ensure the gradual 
diminution of our debts, but it will lessen the excellence of this meas- 
ure, if it admits of that intoleiable evil, stockjobbing. Wherever dis- 
cretion is left, I conceive that must follow, and surely the nature of our 
debt is such that all possil)ility of jobbing might be prevented l)y pre- 
scribing the order in which they should be discharg'd, — which being 
publick, every body w"* have an equal advantage, and no secret could 
avail. 

What has come from the American Congress opens a new and impor- 
tant field for discussion, liy separating regulations of tr.ade from the con- 

' A strip of paper li.-is Iweii pasteil over the signature, but the letter is dock- 
eteJ in Dr. Price's hand " Professor VVintlirop." — Eds. 



15 

sideration of a revenue, how far tlie riches and prosperity of a country 
need such regulations as we have been accustom'd to see enforc'd by 
custom house otiicers, at a great expence, and occasioning great cor- 
ruption. This is one I conceive of many subjects, which must now be 
decided, however indispos'd the Ministry may be for obvious reasons. 
I hear from London tljat the American Secretary has given for answer 
to those tliat presented the petition transmitted by the Congress, that 
it was receiv'd very graciously, and would be laid before both Houses. 
This gives me pleasuri', so far as it indicates a change of measures. 
As to a change of men, I don't myself know, whether it would not be 
better that the present sh'' continue. The rage for Ministry is so uni- 
versal, and the consideration attach'd to it so much lieyond the mark, 
that it requires a change of ideas to take place. Nor can it be expected 
that any man will be for lessening a power to-day, which to-morrow he 
expects to be in possession of. There is only one evil I foresee attend- 
ing it, and that you '11 say exists already in the minds of the people, who 
have long since lost all confidence in their representatives. I write to 
you upon my knee in the midst of the children's noise, a very unfit situ- 
ation to write upon such serious subjects. In every situation and in 
every temper, believe me, however, 

Y" & M" Price's affectionate friend and servant, 

Shelburne. 

EARL OF SHELBURNE TO RICHARD PRICE. 

[Jan., 1775?] 

Dear Ur. Price, — I send you the short notes, which I wish you 
may be able to understand. I should not, indeed, think them worth 
your attention, if it was not for the distracted situation of our councils, 
which makes me take more upon me than suits my disposition or the 
diffideuce of my temper. 

I am myself so confident, from reading over and over the petition in 
question, from twelve years intimate connection with America, and as 
attentive an observation of their publick acts and their character, that 
I would willingly risijue my head on their proving themselves, upon 
these terms, what they say of themselves, not only faithfull subjects 
hut faithf all colonists to the parent state} Very extensive words, which 
in able hands admit of everything we could desire. 

There is nothing in these Notes deserving your attention except the 
proposition itself, which from the degree of approbation it met with 
under circumstances of great disadvantage, makes me think it not with- 

' The Address to the King, to which reference is here made, was adopted 
by the Continental Congross Oct. 26, 1774, and is printed in Force's American 
Archives, fourth series, vol. i. cols. 'i?A-%'>'. The Earl of Shelburne was 
appointed First Commissioner of Trade and Plantations in April, 1763. — Eds. 



16 

out its use, to prevent its being entirely forgot, and that it may be 
remember'd beyond the moment of its being made. What use it may 
be of hereafter, or how far practicable when things advance is altogether 
another ijuestiou. The times are dark, and in my idea, the most that 
can be done is to prevent bad opinions being lodg'd witii tiie publick, 
a fresh injustice being done to the principles and intentions of our 
American brethren. 

As to ourselves you may depend upon my never losing sight of what 
you know I consider as our political salvation, and tiiat all mv aim 
finally terminates there. 

I am going out of town, and write in haste. As soon as I return, I 
will be happy to ride out to you to talk more fully upon these matters. 

Y" ever. SiiKLiu'itNE. 

Wed? - Morne. 



CHARLES CHAUNCY TO RICHARD PRICE. 

Boston, Jauy. lOtli, 1775. 

Revd. and dear Sir, — Yours of Octr. 8th, with the inclosed pam- 
phlets, I have received, for which I heartily thank you. Tis strange 
nothing which has happened among us from Septr. 2d to the day of 
the date of your letter, should have been known in England. Tis easie 
to conceive that the news conveyed to the ministry by the Scarborough 
should be secreted, but not so easie to be accounted for that the private- 
letters which went by her should be profoundly silent also. 

What came into event here before the 20th of Sepr., when Mr. Qiiin- 
cey embarked for London, I shall say nothing about, as you have doubt- 
less had opportunity of hearing from him an exact and true account of 
facts till that time. Since then the fortifications at the only entrance 
into Boston by land have, at no small expence, been completed ; the 
troops which were at New- York, New-Jersey, Philadelphia, and Canada 
sent for and brot to town, in addition to those that were here before ; 
making in all eleven regiments, besides several companies of the artil- 
lery. You can't easily imagine the greatness of our embarissinent; 
especially, if it be remembered that the town, while filled vvitli troops, 
is at the same time encompassed with ships of war, and the harbour so 
blocked up as that an intire stop is put to trade, only .is it is carried on at 
the amazing charge of Iransporling every thing from Salem, not less than 
28 miles by land. Can it in reason be thot that Americans, who were 
freeborn, will submit to such cruel tyranny ? They will sooner lose their 
heart's blood. Not fears, but the livery of the troops among us, point- 
ing them out as subjects of the same sovereign with ourselves, is the 
true and only reason they were either sulfered to come, or to continue 



17 

here, without molestation. Had they been French or Spanish troops 
they would have been cutt ofE long before now, as they easily might 
have been. It is given out by the tools of government, that more ships 
of war and more regiments will soon be sent to humble or destroy us. 
The Colonists are not intimidated by such threateniugs, neither would 
they be should they be carried into execution. They are sensible, that 
contending with Great-Britain would be like a mouse's contending with 
a lyon, could her ships of war sail upon the land as they do upon the 
water. But in a contest with America her ships can annoy none of our 
inland towns, and but a few only of our towns upon the sea-coast for 
want of depth of water. And should they even destroy these, England 
would suffer more than America, as a greater debt than the worth of 
all these places would, by that means, be at once cancelled. 

The people in England have been taught to believe that five or six 
thousand regular troops would be sufficient to humble us into the lowest 
submission to any parliamentary acts however tyrannical. But we are 
not so ignorant in military affairs and unskilled in the use of arms as 
they take us to be. A spirit for martial skill has strangely catched 
from one to another throughout at least the New-England Colonies. A 
number of companies, in many of our towns, are already able to go 
thro the military exercise in all its forms with more dexterity and a 
better grace than some of the regiments which have been sent to us ; 
and even all our men from 20 to 60 years of age are either formed or 
forming into companies and regiments under officers of their own chus- 
ing, to be steddily tutord in the military art. It is not doubted, but by 
next spring we shall have at least one hundred thousand men well qual- 
ified to come forth for the defence of our liberties and rights, should 
there be a call for it. We have besides in the New-England Colonies 
only a much greater number of men who, the last war, were made reg- 
ulars by their services than your troops now in Boston. I can't help 
observing to you here that we have in this town a company of boys, 
from about 10 to 14 years of age, consfsting of 40 or 50, who, in the 
opinion of the best judges, can go thro the whole military exercise 
much more dexterously than a very great part of the regulars have 
been able to do since they have been here. 

I would not suggest by any thing I have said, that we have the least 
disposition to contend with the parent-states. Tis our earnest universal 
desire to be at peace and to live in love and harmony with all our fellow- 
subjects. We shall not betake ourselves to the sword, unless neces- 
sarily obliged to it in self-defence ; but in that case, so far as I can 
judge, tis the determination of all North America to exert themselves 
to the utmost, be the consequence what it may. They cliuse death 
rather [than] to live in slavery, as they must do, if they submit to that 
despotic government which has been contrived for them. 



18 

The accounts I have seen in some of the London newspapers, aflirra- 
ing that Governour Gage and Lord Piercy liave been killed, and that a 
number of houses have been pulled down, are without the least founda- 
tion in truth, and must be numbered among the many abomiuable I'alse- 
hoods which are continually transmitting home by those detestable 
inhabitants here, to whose lies it is owing that we have been brot into 
our present distressing circumstances. 

The result of the Continental Congress I should have seut you, but 
that it has probably reached home by this time, or doubtless will long 
before a copy of it would, was it to go by this opportunity. I canuot 
but look upon it an occurrence in our favor truly extraordinary, that so 
many Colonies, so distant from one another, and having each their sep- 
arate interest, should unite in sending delegates to meet in one general 
body upon the present occasion, and that those delegates (52, 1 think) 
should, upon a free and full debate among themselves, be so united in 
what they have done. I have been assured by our Massachusetts dele- 
gates, since their return from Philadelphia, that there was in no article 
more than one or two dissentients, and in almost every one perfect una- 
nimity. And tis as extraordinary that the doings of the Congress should 
be so universally adopted as a rule of conduct strictly to be adhered to. 
Effectual care has been taken in all the Colonies, counties, and towns 
that the non-consumption ayrecmenl, in special, be punctually complied 
with, and committees of inspection are constituted to see that this is 
done ; and their care upon this head has been the more earnest as they 
are universally sensible that no non-importation agreement among mer- 
chants will signify any thing, unless they are obliged to keep to it by 
not being able to sell their goods, should they send for them. You may 
receive it as a certain fact, that, in conformity to one of the articles 
agreed to by the continental congress, all the merchandise that has 
arrived from Great Britain since the 1st of December has been sold, or 
is now selling, at vendue, and whatever it fetches beyond the prime 
cost and charges, is to relieve the Boston-sufferers under their present 
distresses ; and it may be depended on, that whatever goods come after 
the 1st of February will be sent back without being opened. You cant 
easily conceive the universality and zeal of all sorts of persons in all the 
Colonies to carry fully into effect whatever the Congress have recom- 
mended in order to put an intire stop to our commerce with England, 
till the acts we complain of are repealed. 

Those who call themselves the friends of Government, but are its 
greatest enemies, are continually endeavouring, in all the ways they 
can devise, to foment divisions among the people, and to lead them, in 
particular, into an ill opinion of the result of the grand Congress; but 
they labor in vain. It is the opinion of some here that there are 
among us those who are employed upon the hire of unrighteousness to 



19 

do all that lies iu their power to effect a submission to the late acts 
which would enslave us ; but whether this be so, or not, you may rely 
on it as the truth of fact that, notwithstanding all their efforts, the in- 
habitants of these Colonies, one it may be in an hundred excepted, are 
firmly united in their resolution to defend themselves against any force 
which may be used with them to deprive them of the rights they have a 
just claim to, not only as men made of one blood with the rest of the 
human species, but as Englishmen, and Englishmen born heirs to a 
royal grant of Charter rights and privileges. 

We are told (perhaps to affrighten us) by those who joyn with the 
ministry in carrying their plan of despotism into effect, that every port 
on the continent will be blocked up next spring by English ships of 
war. But this we know cannot be done, as the sea-coast on this conti- 
nent is of such large extent, and we have so great a number of harbours, 
rivers, and inlets, inaccessable by any ships of war so as to do us harm. 
Besides, administration, by such a conduct as this, would in the most 
effectual manner co-operate with the American congress in putting a 
stop to all commerce with Great Britain, which would, perhaps, be 
more hurtful to you than to us ; for we should, notwithstanding, have 
all the necessaries and most of the comforts of life, and be far more 
happy than we could be were we to be enslaved. 

I can't help assuring you as an evidence that the Colonies continue 
united in supporting the common cause, that they are almost daily send- 
ing to this town for its relief, flower, Indian corn, beef, pork, mutton, 
butter, cheese, and in a word every thing necessary for the comfort as 
well as support of life ; and we have all the encouragement we can de- 
sire to depend upon their going on to do thus while our circumstances 
are such as to require their help. 

I fear I have tired your patience ; but I must, notw"'standing, add 
this further that a most malignant fever rages among the troops. Three, 
four, and five have sometimes been buried in a day. Many of them are 
now sick. There is no abatement of the disease. Blessed be God, few 
or none of the town-people have taken the infection. The troops, by 
desertion and death, are amazingly iessend, w"^"^ we certainly know, 
notw"'standiug the care of the officers to hide it fm us. 
I am, Dear Sir, w"" all due respect, 

Your friend [and] humble serv'. 
Dr. Richard Price. Charles CiiAUNCr. 



RICHARD PRICE TO CHARLES CHAUNCY. 

Newington, Feb' 25"', 1775. 
Dear Sir, — I cannot avoid embracing the opportunity offer'd me 
by Mr. Quincy's return of writing to you. I am very sorry for the 



20 

bad state of health into which Mr. Qiiincv has fallen. Tliis has ren- 
der'd him incapable of carrying into execution some of the views with 
which he came here. But he is now better ; and I hope will be re- 
stored in health to his family. He is indeed an able, faithful, and 
zealous friend to his country ; and I have been happy in my acquaint- 
ance with him. ^ He can inform you of what is passing here ; and of 
my sentiments with respect to the public afiFairs which now engage so 
much attention. But neither my sentim'', nor those of persons of more 
weight, can be of much importance to you. It is from f/iemselres that 
our brethren in America must look for deliverance. They have, in my 
opinion, infinitely the advantage in this dispute. If they continue 
firm and unanimous it must have a happy issue, nothing being more 
certain than that the consequences of the present coercive measures 
must in a year or two be so felt in this kingdom as to rout the present 
despotic ministry, and to bring in new men who will e.stablish the 
rights and liberties of the colonies on a plan of equity, dignity and 
permanence. In such circumstances, if the Americans relax, or suffer 
themselves to be intimidated or divided, they will indeed deserve to be 
slaves. For my own part, were I in America I would go barefoot ; I 
would cover myself with skins and endure any inconveniencies sooner 
than give up the vast stake now depending; and I should be encour- 
aged in this by knowing that my difficulties would be temporary, and 
that I was engaged in a last struggle for liberty, which perseverance 
would certainly crown with success. I speak with earnestness, because 
thoroughly convinced that the authority claimed by this country over 
the Colonies is a despotism which would leave them none of the rights 
of freemen ; and because also I consider America as a future asylum 
for the friends of libeity here, which it would be a dreadful calamity 
to lose. 

By the governm' which our ministers endeavour to establish in New 
England, and that which they have established in Canada, we see what 
sort of govern"' they wish for in this country ; and as far as they 
can succeed in America, their way will be paved for success here. In- 
deed the influence of the crown has already in effect subverted liberty 
here ; and should this influence bo able to establish itself in America, 
and gain an accession of strength from thence, our fate would be sealed, 
and all security for the sacred blessing of liberty would be destroy'd in 
every part of the British dominions. These are sentim" that dwell 
much upon my heart, and I am often repeating tliera. 

You must have been informed before this time that L'' Chatham in- 
troduced into the House of Lords about three weeks ago a bill contain- 
ing a Plan of Pacification, which was rejected at the first reading in 
a manner the most unprecedented and contemptuous. In a few days 
after tlii.-i, both Houses in an Address to his Majesty declared the Prov- 



21 

iiice of Massachuset's Bay in rebellion, petitioiieil for an enforcem' of 
the late Acts, and ofFer'd to stand by his Majesty with their lives and 
fortunes. But at the beginning of last week, to the amazem' of every- 
body, the ministry took a new turn ; and, tho' they had repeatedly 
declared that their object was not to draw money from the Colonies, 
yet on the 20th of last month, a motion was made in the House by 
L'' North to the following purport — " That it was the opinion of that 
House, that when any of his Majesty's colonies shall make provision, 
according to their several circumstances, for contributing their propor- 
tion towards the common defence and the support of their respective 
Governm'' (such proportion to be raised by their own Assemblies and 
disposable by Parliam') it will be proper, if such proposal should be 
approved by Parliam', and for so long as it shall be so approved, to 
forbear in respect of such colonies imposing upon them or levying any 
taxes." By this Resolution L'' North said he hoped the horrors of a 
civil war might be avoided, and yet more gained from the Colonies than 
could be gained by any coercion of them. After a debate of near seven 
hours, (during which some of the members chose to amuse themselves 
with cards in one of the rooms adjoyning to the House) the motion 
was agreed to by a majority of 274 to 88 ; and it was reported and 
confirmed last Monday ; but is not to be formed into a bill. At the 
same time, the hostile plan before adopted is to go on. No firelock, as 
the SoUicitor-General said in the House, is to be taken from a gun or 
rudder from a ship ; the Bill now in Parliam' for destroying the New- 
England Fishery is to pass ; none of the Acts of last spring are to 
be repealed; and General Gage's re-inforcem', consisting of eight 
regim'", besides dragoons, marines and ships of war, is to embark. I 
am told also that two bills more ag*' New-England are intended, one 
for destroying the Connecticut, Rhode-Island, and New-Hampshire 
charters, and another for attainting some of the leading men in your 
Province. 

These are measures that want no comment. L'' North's motion, 
tho' called a concession, is certainly, consider'd in all its circumstances, 
more properly an insult. An armed robber who demands my money 
might as well pretend he makes a concession, by suffering me to take it 
out of my own pocket, rather than search there for it himself. I cannot 
imagine, therefore, that this motion will have any other effect on the 
colonies than to render them more united and determined. 

With respect to the people in Massachuset's Bay, were they inclined 
to trust this opinion of the House of Commons by consenting to pay 
such contributions as the House shall require, they could not be bene- 
fited by it without giving up their old Charter and together with it their 
whole right of legislation ; for it is only from an Assembly under the 
New Charter that any proposals can be received. 



22 

Were there not so many melancholy instances of the pliableness of 
the House of Commons, it would be wonderful that the same House 
that had oue day declared loar ag"' the Colonies, should almost the next 
day, on a sudden fright in the Cabinet, agree to a proposal supposed 
conciliatory. You may learn from hence our condition ; and what that 
power is which claims a right to make laws for America that shall bind 
it in all cases whatever. The design of the ministry by this step is to 
produce differences among the Colonies : or, as L"* North said in the 
House of Commons, to break at least one link in the chain ; in con- 
sequence of which he thinks the whole may fall to pieces. New- York, 
in particular, the ministry have in view ; and they imagine that they 
have reason to depend on succeeding there. But frantic must that 
Colony be that will suffer itself to be so ensnared. Indeed our min- 
isters have all along acted from the persuasion that you are all fools 
and cowards. I have said that the design of L'' North's motion is to 
disunite. I must add, that it is intended also to create delays and gain 
time ; for as with you all depends on losing no time, so with us all 
depends on gaining time (to corrupt and divide.) 

Hut I must conclude. Forgive your oppressors. I believe they 
know not what they do ; but at the same time make them know that 
you icill be free. My heart bleeds for the sufferings of your Province; 
but, if it be not your own fault, all will end well. God is on the side 
of liberty and justice. 

With the best wishes and the greatest regard, I am, dear Sir, 
Your sincere friend and very humble servant. 

I have been long waiting with impatience for a letter from you. I 
writ in Dec' last to Mr. Winthrop in answer to a letter with which he 
favoured me by Mr. Quincy. Be so good as to deliver ray best re- 
spects to him. Dr. P>anklia tells me that he shall write by this 
conveyance. America cannot have an abler or better friend. 



EZRA STILES' TO lUCllAKD PRICE. 

Nkwport, Apr. 10, 1775. 
Rev" and dear Sir, — The letter I had the pleasure of receiving 
from you last year inclosed in Mr. IMarchant's, most exactly expressed 
my sentiments respecting Bishops — "they hav(! hitherto shewn them- 

1 Rev. Dr. Stiles, afterward President of Vale College, was at the time this 
letter was written minister of the Second Congregational Church in Newport, 
Rhode Island. He remained there about a year longer, when he was obliged to 
leave in consequence of the dispersion of bis congregation, owing to the exposed 
situation of the town. — Eds. 



23 

selves enemies to Truth and Liberty ; and there is no reason to expect 
that their natures will be changed in America," They have greatly 
dishonored themselves in two capital instances lately ; in their combina- 
tion against your petition for a relief from subscription to the XXXIX 
Articles; and in voting for the Quebec Bill for establishing the Romish 
Idolatry over two thirds of the territories of the British Empire, and 
thereby exciting a Jubilee in Hell and throughout [the] Pontificate. 
Much will Bp. Newton in particular have to answer at the tribunal of 
Jesus, for having with his eyes open joyued with an apostate Church 
and taken part with the Mother of Harlots and Abominations in the 
Earth, and this with the direct view and design of employing the arms 
of Papists as such against Protestant Puritans more abhorred than even 
Roman Catholics by the English Episcopacy. This obliging token of 
friendship from the bench of Bishops will not be very soon forgotten 
by the Puritans in America. 

But I suppose the American Episcopate is for the present suspended, 
waiting the decision of the present momentous controversy, with which 
it must stand or perhaps fall. Unhappily the die is now cast, and a 
Ministry devoid of policy with a controll'd Parliament have precipitated 
the decision of points which (of how much importance soever for us to 
have defined and ascertained yet) it would have shewn the sagacity 
and wisdom of an English Minister long to have kept out of sight, and 
as untouched as many important exertions of the royal prerogative 
which would suffer by discussion. 

We last week received the resolutions of Parliament (to ll"* Febry.) 
to enforce their system of domination. This has a solid and weighty 
effect ; instead of being dampt or depressed the Spirit of Liberty rises 
and will burn with an inextinguishable ardor. In the Punic Wars the 
Italians fought side by side as allies with the Romans. When Rome 
was attacked by the Carthaginian power, this attack united the other- 
wise divided nations of all Italy. The Romans took all the glory of 
conquest to themselves and dispised the Socii ; tho' the latter could 
raise three quarters of a million while the Roman census was short of 
300 Thousands. Hence the Bellum Sociale, which kindled into a 
flame from a trifling incident and spread thro' Italy with an incredible 
celerity. Two armies met to dispute a point of honor and nominal 
dignity, but stop'd their fire in full volley and pacificated all by agreeing 
to share in equal liberty, the Roman blood accepting the Italian in 
deditione civitatis. America now exasperated does not dread to meet 
her brethren in bello sociali, if Great Britain persists in seizing and 
annihilating our dearest rights. Massachusetts will resume her old 
Charter of 1628 or assume a new police, and elect magistrates, appoint 
and commission Judges of Courts, and raise taxes, &c., this summer, 
if before the usual election we have nothing more favorable from 



24 

London. The inslructioned Governors and Mandamus Councillors in 
the other Provinces are fallen into such disrepute, as being mere 
creatures of a venal Ministry and enemies to American Liberty, that 
the Colonies are nearly ripe to let them fall into desuetude, while the 
more just and equal representations of the people in the Colony Con- 
gresses acquire more and more weight, and feel more liberty to act for 
the public good unchecked by an arbitrary Governor. The RLaryld. 
Congress has already proceeded to levy taxes for an armament. S" 
Carolina Congress have shut up the Courts. The system proceeds, 
and may terminate in an intirely new Colony Police, erecting the 
Congresses into Legislatures, with an annual Continental or Imperial 
Congress for deliberating matters of universal moment. I do not say 
whetlier this change would be the wisest and best : but this I say, the 
measures of administr'" and Pari' precipitate such a revolution and if 
not desisted and departed from will very soon terminate in this. If 
there be no relaxation speedily, a continental army will soon be raised, 
and under repeated supposed defeats will survive and perpetuate itself 
till such a system of Polity shall be eventually established. 

You will receive this by Fra. Dana, ^sq., of Cambridge, whom I 
commend to your notice. I am, D' Sir, 

Your affectionate Brother, 

Ezra Stiles. 

Rev. D' Price, London. 



JOHN VVINTIIROP TO RICHAItn PRICE. 

CAMiiuiDGE, N. Engl", April 10, 1776. 

Ueverend and deau Sir, — Your favor of Dec' 19"" last, which 
carae to hand but last week, gave me the highest satisfaction. I most 
heartily thank you for the expressions of your kindness towards me, 
for the honor you have done my letter, and for the farther honor of 
admitting me to your future correspondence ; — an indulgence I highly 
prize and shall not fail to make use of. 

All America is greatly indebted to you for the sympathetic concern 
you express for tlieir distresses, and for your exertions in their behalf; 
and I have no doubt would be happy, if it were in your power to make 
them so. But it is one of the principal sources of human misery, and 
one of the greatest mysteries of Providence, that the powers of this 
world are almost always in very different hands; are lodged with per- 
sons who have very different modes of thinking and very different 
objects of persuit. Were the case otherwise, were no persons advanced 
to power but such as had ability to comprehend and a disposition to 
pcrsue the proper means for promoting the great end of government, 
the good of the people, there would be no grievances to complain of, 



25 

and this world would soon become a kind of paradise. But this is too 
much to be expected till the millennial state ; or till, by the universal 
prevalence of Christ's heavenly doctrine, the virtue, and by consequence 
the liberty, peace and happiness of mankind are established upon a 
solid foundation. 

The kind reception you gave my friend Mr. Quincy, emboldens me to 
recommend to your notice another friend and near neighbor of mine, 
Francis Dana, Esq. He is a sensible, ingenious, modest gentleman, 
who was in the practice of the law, but can now have no employment 
in that way ; and has always appeared a true friend to Liberty. He 
will be able to give you full satisfaction as to the situation of affairs here, 
and inform you of many particulars which I cannot so well do in 
writing. But to shew my readiness to obey your commands, I shall 
give the best account I can. 

The people of Boston pass'd tolerably well thro' the winter, by the 
help of the generous donations of this and the other Colonies. I am 
well informed that not less than 7000 persons depend on tliese donations 
for their daily bread ; and there is a multitude of others, who, having 
something beforehand, and yet being cut off from their business, are 
now spending their all, and must quickly be reduced to poverty. The 
people thro' the Province, ever since so many of the IMandanius 
Councillors resigned their places, have had as little disturbance among 
them as in any of the Colonies, altho' there has been a total suspension 
of government. Our executive Courts are shut up, and we have no 
Legislature. What supplies the place of this, in some measure, is, 
a Provincial Congress, composed of delegates chosen by the several 
towns, in the manner of a House of Representatives. Tho' they assume 
no authority, their Recommendations have the same regard paid to them 
by the body of the people, as used to be paid to laws enacted in form. 
All this while we were willing to flatter ourselves, that the papers sent 
home by the Continental Congress would make some impression, and 
incline the Ministry to accommodate this unhappy controversy upon 
equitable terms. I have the satisfaction to find, that their address to 
the people of England meets with your approbation ; and, I hope, that 
to the K. does so likewise. But the last Address of the two Houses has 
e.Ytinguished every spark of hope. The M — y have stopped their ears 
to the voice of reason and justice, and steeled their hearts against the 
feelings of humanity. Having been fairly foiled in the field of argu- 
ment, and tried, as it is said, the force of bribery and corruption in 
America, which has been so successfully practised at home, they have 
now recourse to the ratio ultima, and we have nothing in prospect but 
tiie horrors of war. The people of Boston, notwithstanding repeated 
insults from the soldiery, were willing to suppose that the works which 
the General threw up last fall at the only entrance into the town, were 



26 

designed merely for his own defence. Hut he has been making prepara- 
tions since, which indicate offensive war. lie lias provided a great 
number of waggons and other military implements, which can be of no 
use but for a march into the country. But what his particular opera- 
tions will be, can be known only by the execution of them. The 
people of Boston are quitting the town in great numbers, so that the 
first city in America is likely soon to be in a great measure deserted, or 
inhabited cheifly by regiments and those who arrogate to themselves 
the title of friends of government ; — and one of the finest harbors in 
the world has for some time been rendered useless. The military 
gentry, it is said, despise, or affect to despise, the Americans as cow- 
ards. They say, the Americans will never have courage to fight, but 
will immediately disperse on the first appearance of regular troops. 
In this they may probably find themselves mistaken, to their cost. 
This single Province can, upon occasion, bring more men, and those 
pretty well disciplined, into the field than the whole military establish- 
ment of Great Britain ; and those that can be spared upon an emergency 
from other employm" joined with those of the neighboring colonies will 
form an army which the General will not find it easy to subdue. They 
have no design of attacking the K.'s troops; but are determined, 19 in 
20, I am told, upon the lowest computation, to stand upon their own 
defence, and the defence of their charter government, if attacked, and 
have prepared themselves accordingly. And indeed their ardor is such 
that it is found difficult to restrain it within due bounds. Consider, 
Sir, what must be the feelings of men, descended from ancestors who 
fled hither as to a safe retreat from tyrannical power 150 years ap;o, 
while it was a perfect wilderness inhabited only by savages, and 
settled it at their own expence, without the least charge to the Crown or 
nation, and whose descendents have ever since been iraployed, with 
immense toil and danger, in turning this wilderness into a fruitful 
field, and the present generation possessed of fair inheritances, — when 
they see themselves treated like a parcel of slaves on a plantation, who 
are to work just as they are ordered by their masters, and the profit 
of whose labors is to be appropriated just as their masters please, — and 
then judge whether it be likely that such men will give up every thing 
dear and valuable to them without a struggle. What the event will 
be, can be known with certainty only by Him who seeth all things from 
the beginning to the end. We trust, we have a righteous cause, and 
we can chearfully commit our cause to Him who judgeth righteously. 
We know that we are not the aggressors, and that we are only striving 
to maintain our just rights. And I humbly hope, Sir, that we shall bo 
remembered in your addresses to the throne of grace. May a gracious 
God avert these dreadful evils ! But whatever the events of war may 
be, they must prove ruinous to Great Britain as well as to the Colonies. 



A horrid carnage is the first thing to be expected ; and if it once 
begins, it may continue for a length of time, till the Colonies are so 
exhausted and impoverished, that they will not have the ability, even 
if it could be supposed they would have the inclination, to purchase 
British manufactures. What then will become of the American trade ? 
Will it be any compensation to the nation for the loss of this trade, 
that the M — y are in possession of a few fortified towns on the sea- 
coast, where garrisons must be constantly maintained at a vast expence? 
But you, Sir, have already anticipated the consequences, and had 
reason to say that their conduct is little short of insanity. 

As soon as I had received your letter, I went to deliver your respects 
to Dr. Chauncy, and to inquire whether he had received yours of the 
8th of Octr. He told me, he had ; and desired me to present his 
respects to you, and inform you that he had writ an answer, and sent 
with it a large packet of papers, which he thinks went from hence 
about the middle of February. I hope they are come to your hand 
before this time. 

I have the happiness, intirely to fall in with the sentiments of your 
letter, that this contest may prove beneficial in the event to one, if not 
both countries, and hope I shall be excused if I publish (with the 
proper cautions) some extracts from it. I should think myself wanting 
in my duty to my countrymen, if I should confine within the narrow, 
circle of my particular acquaintance, what is so excellently fitted to 
direct them in the true line of conduct they ought to persue. And 
I have Dr. Chauncy's authority, in a similar case, to justify me. 

I write also by Mr. Dana to our excellent friend Dr. Franklin, the 
Friend of Liberty, of America and of Mankind. 

With my most ardent wishes for your happiness, and long-continued 
usefulness, I am, with the highest respect. Sir, 

Your most humble serv', 

John Winthrop. 

P. S. I must beg pardon for the interlineations. I have not time to 
transcribe it, the messenger being now waiting. 



RICHARD PRICE TO JOSIAH QUINCY, JR. 

[April or May, 1775.] 
Dear Sir, — I send you enclosed the account which I promised you 
of the taxes of this kingdom, and particularly the excises. It is with 
particular concern I think of the bad state of health with which you 
left England. I hope the voyage has been of service to you, and 
that you are now returned well and happy to Mrs. Quincy and your 



28 

family and friends. Things continue here in much the same state 
in which you left them. The stocks are higher than they were a year 
ago. No particular stagnation of trade is yet felt. The spirits of the 
merchants are kept up by the belief that the Americans cannot go on 
long with their Non-importation and Non-exportation Agreem'', that 
the trade will be soon opened again, and that the issue of the quarrel 
will be the establishm" of the authority of this country over the Colo- 
nies, and consequently gaining in the end a more secure and advan- 
tageous trade. Our rulers trust in their power to corrupt, divide, and 
intimidate. They believe that either the Americans will not fight, or 
that if they should, they are a mere rabble who will be easily sub- 
dued by a disciplined army. The ministry have taken their measures 
under this perswasion ; and the officers in the army now going to 
America have in general no other apprehension ; and therefore go 
with good spirits, and in full expectation that all will be soon over. 
Nothing could be more provoking than the manner in which L'' Sand- 
wich lately spoke in the House of Lords of your countrymen. 1 was 
in the House and heard him. " Have we not, said he, (in answer to 
L'' Camden) conquered the French and the Spaniards ; and shall we 
be afraid of a body oi fanatics in New-England, who will bluster and 
swell when danger is at a distance, but when it comes near, will like 
all other mobs throw down their arms and run away ? " He then gave 
an account of the behaviour of the New-Englanders at the siege of 
Louisburg, and assured the House that S' Peter Warren has repre- 
sented it to him as in the highest degree dastardly. They had been 
order'd to attack a battery, but fled as soon as they approached it. 
S' Peter, however, he said, thought it necessary to disguise his 
sentim" ; and in order to keep up their spirits commended them and 
called them Romans. After this he went on to compare your country- 
men to the poor Indians in Bengal, whom we have so miserably and 
infamously plundered and op|>ressed. " They, he said, are also fanat- 
ics ; but it is well-known that a few of our troops will rout the greatest 
number of them ; and were I (he added,) in General Gage's situation 
and heard that 20,000 New-Eugland-men were coming against me, I 
should wish that they were rather thirty or forty thousand." 

I can assure you that such apprehensions as these are common 
among us, and I look upon them as a melancholy proof of that infatua- 
tion with which Heaven has visited us. I am in hopes of hearing 
some time or other that your countrymen have wiped off these asper- 
sions from their characters ; and proved to the confusion of their vile 
slanderers that they deserve to he free by shewing themselves brave. 

Dr. Franklin is returned to Philadelphia, and will, I suppose, attend 
the Congress. I have lost by his departure a friend that I greatly 
loved and valued. He talked of coming back in the beginning of next 



29 

winter ; but I do not much expect to see him again. It is a trouble to 
me that I don't hear from Dr. Chauncy and Mr. Wiuthrop. Deliver 
my best respects to them. I hope you will be so good as to write 
to me. I have friends in both Houses of Parliam' who, you know, 
are some of the first friends of America ; and I wish to be able 
to give them the best intelligence. M' Gordon sends very good ac- 
counts. Should you fall into company with him, deliver to him my 
respects. I shall wait with great impatience till I hear whether you 
have got home safe, and are restored to your former health. Your life, 
I think, of much importance to your country. 

Wishing you and M" Quincy all possible happiness, I am, dear Sir, 
Your most obedient and humble servant. 



JOHN WINTHROP TO KICHARD PRICE. 

New Enoland, June 6, 1775. 
Reverend and dear Sir, — I wrote you the 10 April by my 
friend, Mr. Dana, who I hope has arrived before this time. The 
apprehensions I expressd in that letter, of our being involved in the 
horrors of war, were but too well founded, and were very soon dread- 
fully realized. The blow has been struck, the sword is drawn, and 
I suppose the scabbard thrown away. On the 19 April hostilities 
commenced, and there was a smart engagement, in which numbers 
fell on both sides. Before now, you have received two very different 
accounts of this affair, which have been published here, and, I suppose, 
in London too. The first was by the General, and sent by him to the 
Gov' of Connecticut ; ' and the same, or a similar one, was doubtless 
sent by him to England in a man of war which he dispatched a day or 
two after the action. This, I conceive, does not give a just representa- 
tion of the matter, tho' it may be agreeable to the accounts he received 
from his olficers, who, he says, were men of unquestionable honor, but 
mentions not their names. They endeavor to throw the blame of being 
the aggressors on the Provincials. The other account is sent home by 
our Provincial Congress, with a short address to the inhabitants of 
Great Britain." It coutains the depositions of sundry persons, both 
Provincials and Regulars, who were in the engagement, relative to 
that point. It will he easy, I conceive, to form a proper judgment 
of the credit due to each of these accounts. To me it appears perfectly 

1 General Gage's letter to Governor Trumbull is printed in Force's American 
Arcliives, fourtli series, vol. ii. cols. 434-436. — Eds. 

- Printed in Force's American Archives, fourth series, vol. ii. cols. 486- 
501. — Eds. 



30 

incredible, that a few Provincials, certainly under 100, should begin an 
attack on a body of Regulars of at least ten times their number. 
I shall only add, that the relation in the depositions is essentially the 
same as I heard on the day of battle, and always heard from several 
who were in the engagement before either of these accounts appeared 
in print. These depositions will give you a just idea of the proceed- 
ings on that day ; but it may be some farther satisfaction to you, to 
know the train of events which brought on that important action. 

When the Act was passed for altering the civil government of this 
Province, the people were universally, with very few e-Kceptions, 
determin'd never to submit to it. The new Mandamus Counsellors, 
except six or seven who refused, were sworn in about the beginning 
of August ; but nothing material was done in that month, by way of 
opposition, more than the shuttiug up the court houses in some of the 

remote counties. About the end of August, the G 1 dispatched 

a party of soldiers very secretly in the night, and took away 250 
barrels of powder belonging to the Province, which were deposited 
in a magazine about 4 miles from Boston. This gave a great alarm; 
and on the 2d of September, a large body of people assembled at 
Cambridge, tho' without arms, and obliged as many of the Mandamus 
Councillors as they could meet with to resign their places ; and the 
officers of the executive Courts to engage not to act upon the new plan 

of government. Immediately upon this, the G 1 began to fortify 

himself in Boston, and levied a number of caunon in different places. 
As this seemed to threaten war, the people tho't it necessary to provide 
for their own defence. Accordingly, in Octr. or November, they began 
to collect stores of all the necessary kinds, in different parts of the 
country. A principal magazine was at Concord, about 18 miles from 

Boston. During the winter, the G 1 frequently, and openly in 

the daytime, marched large bodies of his troops 8 or 10 miles into the 
country, who went and returned without the least molestation from the 
inhabitants. But on the 18 of April, about ten at night, a body, said 
to be about 8 or 900 men, were secretly conveyed across the bay from 
Boston to Cambridge, and marched as silently as possible thro' by-ways 
till they got into the high road to Concord ; with what design, could not 
admit of a doubt. But all their motions were watched, and the alarm 
flew like lightning thro' all the neighbouring towns. The people imme- 
diately began to muster, in order to defend their property. About sun- 
rise, the troops arrived at Lexington, a town that lies on the Concord 
road, 11 miles from Boston. For what followed, I beg leave to refer 
you to the depositions before mentioned ; and shall only say in short 
that a body of less than 100 of our people being assembled at Lexing- 
ton, the Regulars without any provocation fired upon them, killd 8 
upon the spot, wounded several others, and then pcrsued their march 



31 

to Concord, where they destroyed what stores they could meet with, 
and fired on another party of Provincials, and killed some of them ; but 
the Provincials returning the fire killed some of the Regulars. This 
was the first opposition they met with. Upon this they retreated 
towards Lexington, where they were joined by a large reinforcement 
of about 1200 men, sent from Boston to support them; and then, the 
whole body returned together towards Charlestowii. They were fol- 
lowed all the way by our people, who were now collecting from differ- 
,ent quarters in considerable numbers; tho' 1 have been assured by 
several who were in the action, that not more than 300 of our people 
were engaged at any one time. There was, however, a hot engage- 
ment, which lasted all the afternoon, during their whole retreat. In 
their return, they oehaved much in the manner of the Cossacks, firing 
into some houses, whereby some aged people were killed ; entring 
others, and destroying or pillaging whatever they could lay their 
hands on ; and some they burnt to the ground. I have seen some 
houses they fired upon, in which were only women who had fled 
thither for shelter. At sunset they arrived at Charlestown within a 
mile of Boston, to which they were carried over in the night by the 
men-of-war's boats. Thus ended this memorable day, a day that will 
never be forgotten in America. 

As to the loss sustained on each side, I have seen what is said to be 
a complete list of the Provincials who fell in battle, which amounted to 
50 ; and 5 or 6 were taken prisoners. It is more difficult to come at the 
knowledge of the loss on the other side, which they have industriously 
concealed, as much as possible. But I believe it is certain they had 
upwards of 100 kill'd, and more wounded ; several of whom, and some 
that were officers, have since died of their wounds. Several that were 
wounded were taken prisoners. 

The next day, the G 1 shut up the town of Boston, and suffered 

no person to go out ; and then none of the country people would go in 
to carry provisions. This continued about 10 days; but upon repeated 
applications he consented that the inhabitants should remove out with 
their effects, upon condition they would deliver up their arms. When 
this was complied with, the people began to remove. But he quickly 
clogg'd their removal with new restrictions ; — none were to go out 
without his permit, then, only a certain number of cart or boat loads of 
goods were to go out in. a day, then, no merchandize was to be carried 
out, then, no provisions of any kind, not so much as a bisket, then, per- 
mits to be granted only certain hours of the day, and some days none 
at all. However, they continued to move out as fast as they could 
amidst so many obstructions, every trunk, &c., being searched by of- 
ficers. 'Tis judged, that about two-thirds of the inhabitants are now 
removed. As many would be obliged to leave almost all their property 



32 

beliind them, some, choose to stay, to prevent, if possible, its being 
riHed by the soldiers, who, 'tis said, enter into every house they find 
uuinliabited. 

Ever since the battle, the G 1 lias kept himself, his troops and 

the Tories (as they are called) within the town, which is surrounded 
by a large army of Provincials. The communication with the country 
buiiig cut off. they are reduced to live almost wholly on salted meats ; 
which has occasioned their stripping some of the islands in the harbor, 
of all their live-stock. This lead the Provincials to take off the live- 
stock from the other islands. A smart skirmish happened on this ac- 
count the 27 ult, in which we had not one man killed, and but 4 wounded, 
and not one of tliem mortally ; but there is the strongest reason to be- 
lieve that liie loss on the side of the Regulars was .ery considerable. 
There seemed to be a remarkable interposition of Providence in this 
affair ; but it must be observed that the action happened in the night. 

Soon after my last, I received an unsealed letter directed to Dr. 
Chauncy, and in his absence to me. It was brought, I suppose, by Mr. 
Quiucy, who died on board the vessel just after her arrival, being too 
ill to be removed on shore; so that his friends had no opportunity 
to see him. We lament his death as a public loss. This letter was 
delivered to me, while Dr. Chauncy was shut up in Boston. As soon 
as I heard of his getting out, I sent it to him. I have ipiitted my 
house, and reside in the country, at a considerable distance. The Col- 
lege is all dispersed ; there being a large, army of Provincials posted 
in the town, and my house is filled with soldiers. 

Our excellent friend Dr. Franklin is arrived at Philadelphia, and, 
to the joy of America, time enough to be chosen a member of the 
Continental Congress. We derive great hopes from his presence and 
assistance in that body. 

May heaven pour down the choicest of its blessings upon you. With 
the sincerest esteem ami respect I am, ever, dear Sir, 

Your most obedient humble serv'. 

Jer. v. 9.' [iVb signatare.'] 

30 June. 

All direct communication between you and us is now cut ofl^, so that 
I am obliged to send my letters by the way of Philadelphia thro' the 
hands of our good friend Dr. F., who has kiudly offered to take care 
of them. And having no opportunity till now to send thither, T set 
down to give you a brief account of what has happened since I wrote 
the above. 

All accommodation seems now at a greater distance than ever. 

' The passage in the Prophet .Jeremiah to which Mr. Winthrop refers is this : 
" Shall I not visit for thi'se //i/ik/.s ? saith the Lord : anil shall not my soul be 
avenged on such a nation as this .' " — Eds. 



33 

Hotli parties, I suppose, have gone too far to think of retreating. An 
imaginary dignity of government on the one hand, essential rights and 
privileges on the other, and inflamed passions on both, will render a 
reconciliation very difficult. War now rages here in all its fury, bloody 
battles fought, one maritime town already laid in ashes, and others 
threatned with the same fate. If the 19 of April did not give full 
conviction to the ministry that the Americans can fight and will fight, 
the 17 of June, I presume, will remove all their doubts; and enable 
them to judge, whether the accounts they received from the servants 
of the Crown here, or those from the friends of Liberty, were best 
founded. On that day there was a hot engagement at Charlestown, 
whicli lies opposite to Boston, on the other side of the river. A large 
body of regulars were carried over tiiither, to attack an entrenchment 
which our people had begun to throw up on a hill there the night be- 
fore. To cover their approach they set the town on fire, which, consist- 
ing wholly of wooden houses, a great part of them contiguous to each 
other and very dry, was quickly reduced to ashes ; but, it is said, the 
smoke, which blew directly in their faces, annoyed them more than it 
served them. Our people defended the entrenchment with great reso- 
lution till their ammunition was almost spent, and then retreated, 
leaving the regulars in possession of the hill, where they have since 
entrenched themselves. They purchased this advantage very dearly. 
A few more such concjuests would ruin their army. But the best ac- 
count I am at present able to give you of the loss on each side is in the 
enclosed paper. 

Such is the tenderness of the Mother Country ! This, the method 
of securing and extending the commerce of Great Britain ! These, the 
inducements to submit to a power which claims to be despotic over us 
in all cases whatsoever ! What figure will this expedition make when 
it comes to be told in history ? May gracious heaven interpose to pre- 
vent farther evils. 

It will always give me the sincerest pleasure to hear of your welfare. 



EDWARD WIGGLESWORTHi TO RICHARD PRICE. 

Cambkidoe, June 12, 1775. 
Revd. Sir, — The warmth of my affections for an amiable young 
gentleman, who was formerly my pupil, and has for a year past been 
connected with me in the instruction and government of the College in 

' Kev. Edward Wigglesworth, D.D., grandson of the author of "The Day of 
Doom," and second HoUis Professor of Divinity in Harvard College, was born 
Feb. 7, 1731-2, and died June 17, 1794. See Bond's Genealogies of Watertown, 
p. 171. — Eds. 

3 



34 

this place, must serve as m}' apology for addressing you at this time. 
My friend is Mr. Isaac Smith, who is descende<i from ancestors truly 
respectable tor their piety towards God and benevolence to mankinil. 
His father is an eminent merchant in Boston of the same name, well 
known in his commercial character on the exchange of London. The 
affluence of the father's circumstances, in conjunction with a disposition 
to qualify the son for discharging the offices of manhood with extensive 
usefulness and reputation, gave my friend the opportunity of visiting 
Great Britain and France, soon after he liad finished his academical 
studies; an advantage enjoyed but by few of the ministers in this 
Province. Mr. Smith, while but a youth, determined ta devote iiis 
abilities to the service of God in the Gospel of his Son; from which 
determination he has not been diverted, either l)y the importunity of 
some of his connections, or by the prospect of those distinguished ad- 
vantages for accumulating wealth which would have arisen from enter- 
ing into trade with a father well versed in eveiy branch of American 
commerce. Soon after his return from England, where he formed an 
acquaintance with the late excellent Dr. Aniory as well as some other 
eniinent dissenting clergymen, he was introduced to the desk by the 
ministers of Boston or its vicinage. Those of his discourses which I 
have had the pleasure of hearing have been rational, practical and 
serious, and delivered with that gravity and solemnity which became 
their importance. His pulpit performances have done honour to the 
College in which he received his education ; and been well accepted, in 
those parishes where he has occasionally ministred, by those of his 
brethren whose piety has been rational and not tinctured with super- 
stition or enthusiasm. And should Providence open a door for the 
exercise of his ministerial gifts, while he takes up bis residence in 
Britain, I can't but persuade myself he will do honour to the country 
which gave him birth, and be happily instrumental in advancing the 
interest of the Redeemer's Kingdom. 

I should have addressed you by Mr. Smith, had not the convulsions 
into which this vicinity was thrown by the commencement of hostilities at 
Concord prevented my writing before his embarcation. To him I must 
refer you for a particular state of our public affairs at the time he left 
New England. Since his departure the provincial troops have taken 
the live-stock from four islands in the harbour of Boston; which they 
effected without the loss of a single man, notwithstanding those islands 
lay exposed to the fire of the British fleet, and in one instance they had 
to withstand the fire of a detachment both from the army and navy. 

Govr. H 's letter-book has fallen into the hands of our provincial 

Congress, and some of his letters have been communicated to the public 
through the channel of the E^ssex Gazzette. By means of the same 
paper his other letters to the British Ministry will be submitted to the 



35 

inspection of the friends of that once excellent constitution of government 
which gave happiness to Britains and Americans. Mr. Smith's father 
will forward him our papers, as opportunities of conveyance present, 
which will put him into a capacity of making our friends in Loudon 
fully acquainted with the state of this Province and with the temper of 
the Continent. 

With my most ardent desires that the present unnatural contest 
between the parent state and these Colonies may be speedily and ami- 
cably terminated, and that the freedom of both may be established on a 
sure and lasting foundatiou, I am, Rev'' and Hon'' Sir, 
Your obedient, humble servant. 

Edward Wigglesworth, 

HoUis Professor of Divinity. 
Hevd. Dr. Price.' 



CHARLES CHAUNCY TO RICHARD PRICE. 

Medpiei.i), July 18th, 1775. 

Revd. and dear Sir, — Yours of April 29th I have received, and 
return you my hearty thanks for it. Yours also to Mr. Josiah Quincey 
is come into my hands, as he was gone from our world to be here no 
more. None of his relatives nor friends had tiie opportunity of seeing 
him, as the vessel he came in went into Cape-Ann harbour, thirty miles 
from Boston, from whence he was put on shore, but died the next day. 
We are ready to wish God had spared his valuable life. He might have 
been of great service to us iu these calamitous times ; but we would 
meekly bear this public loss, as it comes from the alvvise, righteous, and 
holy Governor of the world. Notw"'standing Mr. Quincey's desire, 
Mr. Bromfield, 1 believe, would be justified should he open the pacquets 
sent to him, and not return them to America, as they might contain 
some articles of important intelligence proper to be known in England. 

The three generals you speak of have been in Boston a considerable 
time, w"" the reinforcements, but are, there is reason to think, both 
disappointed and disheartned. The goods and tea brot over in the 
King's ships will be of no service to any merchant either at home or 
here, nor will they be hurtful to us, as they must be stored for want of 
buyers. Not a shilling's worth of them will be sold except to the 
Tories iu Boston, who have at present other things to mind than that of 
purchasing English commodities. 

The account of a defection at New-York was one of the many false- 

1 By a curious oversight this letter was addressed on the outside " To the 
ReV Thomas Price, D.D., London." Wigglesworth was evidently thinking of 
his correspondent's uncle, Tliomas Price, an eminent dissenting minister in 
London at an earlier period. — Eds. 



36 

hooda llie friends of government (as tliey call theniRelves) have en- 
deavoured to propagate here as well as in England. The people in 
that Colony are in general as firmly attached to the cause of liberty as 
in the other Colonies ; which, I suppose, is well known in London by 
this time. 

The hope of the ministry, and the dread of our friends, respecting 
the cooling of the hearts of people here, the increase of disunion, and 
the impossibility of carrying our commercial plan into execution, have 
no solid basis. Our spirits continually rise in warmth, our union is 
daily growing in strength and vigor, and such care is taken throughout 
the Colonies to bring into event the commercial plan, that, humanely 
speaking, there is not the least probability of a failure. 

Your merchants, we believe, are very hollow. Had they acted like 
men sincerely concerned for the prosperity of their American friends, 
we should not have suffered to the degree we have done. They may 
be assured, the Colonies have no expectation from them, as thinking 
they would willingly see them all enslaved, if their private interest 
might thereby be promoted. Perhaps some of them (I could mention 
their names) will never more have the advantage of commercial dealing 
w"" any of the Colonies. 

General Gage, we had heard, had orders sent him to seize some of 
our leading men, and he had often opportunities to do it, but dare not. 
His endeavouring to take possession of the magazines has been the 
more immediate occasion of the war that is now commenced between 
him and all the Colonies, who are united as one in carrying it on. Our 
generals are constituted by the Continental Congress, the stile of our 
army is, the American Army, the expence is defrayed by the Colonies 
in common. The cause contended for is not looked upon as the cause 
of Boston or the Massachusets- Province, but of the whole American 
continent, who are as firmly united and determined as men ever were 
to risque both their fortunes and lives in defence of their rights and 
privileges. 

I shall now, with as much brevity as I can, give you an account of 
facts as they have happened, previous to the present cii'il war and 
since it began to this day. And you may rely upon what I write as 
the real truth, notwithstanding you may probably have quite different 
accounts from those who are enemies to us, for they will, the most of 
them, speak falsely with as bold a face as tho they declared the real 
truth. 

Col" Lesly, about the latter end of March, was ordered by the Gen- 
eral to go with about an hundred men to Jlarblehead in a trans|)ort 
that had been provided for them, and to go secretly by night ; and from 
Marblehead he was to go by land to Salem, about 4 miles, and to bring 
off a number of canon our people had there. He went nearly to the 



place where the canon lay, but was obstructed in his passage by tli« 
drawing up of a bridge, made for the convenience of vessels passing 
through ; and after about an hour's continuance at this pass was obliged 
to return to Marblehead, and get his men into the transport that brot 
them as soon as he could. Had he attempted to take the canon by 
force, he and his men would surely have been cut off. 

You must have heard before this reaches you of the battel at Con- 
cord. It was wholly occasioned by those who are seeking our ruin. 
The night before the 19th of April, about a thousand regulars were 
ordered, with as great secrecy as you can imagine, to go to Concord to 
seize or destroy our magazine there. They arrived at Lexington, six 
miles short of Concord, about sunrise, when our men, having had some 
previous notice of their coming, began to collect together in order to 
watch their motions. They found nearly an hundred of our people in 
arms, and ordered them to disperse, which they accordingly did, but 
while they were dispersing, the King's troops fired upon them, killed 
six or seven upon the spot, and wounded some others. They then 
steered their course towards Concord. It has been pretended that our 
people gave the first fire, and I suppose such an account has been sent 
home. But tis a notorious falsehood. Some scores of persons then and 
there present, have given their affidavits under oath, that the King's 
troops killed six or seven of our men, and wounded others, before a 
gun was fired on our side. The same troops began the fire at Concord, 
but were soon obliged to retreat, tho attacked by not more than between 
two and three hundred of our men ; for no more had as yet got to- 
gether. When they had retreated as far back as Lexington, they were 
joined by Lord Percy with about 900 regulars sent by the General as a 
reinforcement. By this time our men were increased in number, from 
one and another of the neighbouring towns, and behaved with such reso- 
lution and fortitude, that Lord Percy's troops in common with the 
others were speedily obliged to be upon the retreat, and on they went 
retreating till they got back to Charlestovvn. It may be worthy of note 
here in favor of the King's troops, that two regiments from Salem, 
Marblehead, and some other towns that way, did not come soon eno by 
half an hour to fall upon them in the rear as they were retreating. 
Had they been able to do this, they must have been cutt off, or taken 
prisoners. We know that 240 of the King's troops were killed and 
wounded. How many more met with the like fate we cannot say with 
certainty ; but tis generally said and believed, that the number was not 
less than 4.50. In less than 24 hours after this engagement many thou- 
sands of our men were got together at Cambridge and Roxbury ; and 
we have now an army in these places of twenty thousand, as likely, able 
men as you would desire to look upon, in readiness to engage in any en- 
terprise in defence of our rights and liberties. By means of this army 



38 

all communication between the King's troops and the country is cut off; 
and as no fresh provisions have from that time been permitted to go 
into Boston, the troops there are in suffering circumstances, and must 
continue to be so till they can make their way into the country, which 
they will find to be impractable. The day after the Concord fight the 
passages from Boston into the country were by the General's order 
shut; insomuch that no person could go out of the town. What his 
special design in this was, we cannot with certainty say ; but in a few 
days of his own meer motion he sent for the selectmen of Boston, and 
made this proposal to them, that if the inhabitants would consent to put 
their arms into their custody they shd. have liljerty to go out of town 
with their effects. The town was called together u[ion this occasion, 
and for the sake of their wives and children, and that they might secure 
their effects, they consented to deliver up their arms, and accordingly 
did it. But what followed hereupon ? The Governor, who is also the 
General, proved himself to be void of all faith as well as honor. He 
broke thro his own proposal in which he engaged to let the inhabitants 
go out of town with their effects. For a while he suffered the inhabi- 
tants to go, but not without a pass from him, which soon became so 
difficult to obtain that but few comparatively could get out ; nor were 
any suffered to go out without being searched, and sent back, if there 
was found with them provisions of any kind, or any merchandise. 
The whole merchandise of the people in trade is to this day in Boston ; 
for what end I cannot say. The merchants in England are hereby 
greatly injured ; for tis impossible their debts should be paid, while the 
possessors of their goods can make no use of them in a way of sale. 
And tis probable, they will soon be the plunder of the troops. Mr. 
Gage has rendered himself the object of universal hatred and contempt, 
by his perfidy, cruelty, and oppressive conduct. 

The 27th of May another battle came on between the King's troops 
and ours. About three hundred of our men were sent to take from 
Hog-Island (about 3 miles from Boston) the sheep, lambs, and cattle 
which were there ; upon which a sloop, a scooner, and it may be an 
hundred boats filled with men were ordered by the General or Admiral 
or both to counteract our people in their design. This brot on a terri- 
ble engagement. It lasted between two and three hours. The isue 
was, our taking the scooner, driving away the sloop and boats, and car- 
rying off from the just mentioned island all the sheep, &c. It is 
acknowledged by the regulars themselves that a considerable number of 
their men were killed and wounded. We know not how many ; but tis 
generally said and thot that they lost nearly as many as at the Concord 
fight. We did not lo.se a single man and hud but three wounded, and 
neither of them mortally. I heard General Putnam say, who had the 
command of our detachment, that the most of the time he and his men 



39 

were fighting there was nothing between them and the fire of the enemy 
but pure air. They stood upon Chelsea-shore within reach of the ene- 
my's shot for some hours, and yet not a man of them was killed ; thO 
they killed a considerable number of those that came against them. 
This caut be accouuted for but by recurring to a remarkable inter- 
position of Providence. The regular officers themselves acknowledge 
this was a fair fight, and that they were fairly defeated. 

The night before the 17th of June about fifteen hundred of our men 
were sent to Bunker Hill, in Charlestown, to throw up a breastwork 
and dig an entrenchment there. They began the work between 10 and 
1 1 at night. By the dawn of the next morning they were fired upon 
from a battery at Coops-Hill in Boston, which had some time before 
been erected by the General, and the fii-e was perpetual till about three 
thousand troops were landed from Boston on the north side of said 
Bunker's hill. Upon this there ensued a most terrible combat between 
the King's troops and ours. The King's troops retreated twice. The 
third time they came on much against their inclination. In very truth, 
they would never have ventured up the hill again had they not been 
urged to it by the swords of their officers pricking them along. They 
now got over the breastwork, such as it was, and our men retreated, 
and went down the hill on the south side. The loss on our side was 
nearly 80 or 90 men killed, and it may be an hundred and fifty wounded, 
not more than two or three mortally. By all accounts from those who 
have come out of Boston since this battle, not less than a thousand of 
the King's troops were killed, and nearly five hundred wounded, includ- 
ing officers with the privates. It is credibly said that not less than 
92 commissioned officers were killed and wounded. When I relate to 
you some facts you will be able to judge whether the account of the 
enemy's slain and wounded is exagger[at]ed, as also whether our men are 
such dastardly creatures as Lord Sandwich represented them to be in 
the House of Lords. The poor were ordered out of the public alms- 
house in Boston by General Gage, and sent into the country, to make 
way for his wounded soldiers. The same was done by the people in the 
workhouse there. Both these houses will contain four hundred people. 
Soon after the Bunker-Hill battle, orders were dispatched by General 
Gage in a cutter to New- York, commanding all the troops that were 
coming there to proceed to Boston with all speed. I suppose they are 
all there by this time. These facts are not to be accounted for, unless 
his loss had been nearly as has been represented. The circumstances 
under which our men fought will demonstrate that they are not such 
cowards as they are said to be in England. Not more than l^> hundred 
fought with three thousand, and killed and wounded one half of the 
whole. On the north side of the hill on which the combat was, the 
regulars had a number of floating-batteries, which continual!}' fired on 



40 

0111- men. On the south side of the hill, iiml in coming to it, or goinn; 
from it, they were annoyed by a number of the King's ships who were 
so anchored as greatly to endanger our men. In front of the hill, there 
was Coops-Hill battery, which kept up a continual fire. Besides all 
this, soon after the fight began the regulars in an inhuman cruel man- 
ner set fire to the town of Charles-town, which they wholly burnt down, 
to the unspeakable loss of hundreds of families there. Under such 
circumstances did our men fight, and with not more than half the num- 
ber the enemy had. And after all, they would not have retreated, but 
that they had spent their ammunition, tho they came out well stocked 
with it. Some of our people fired at the enemy twenty times, some 
thirty, and some till their guns were so heated, that they dared not to 
charge them any more. The King's troops, both olRcers and privates, 
now say that our men will fight like devils. So far as I can learn there 
is universal dejection and discouragement among the troops at Boston. 
Our army wish they would come out ; but tis not probable they will, 
tho they have a reinforcement from the troops designed for New- York. 

Our people in all the Colonies are firmly united and resolutely U.xt to 
defend their rights, whatever opposition they meet with. And instead 
of being disheartened by what is done against them, they rise con- 
tinually in the strength of their determination to die rather than live 
slaves. Tis remarkable, notwithstanding the sufferings of the town of 
Boston, and other towns, and the general oppression all the Colonies 
are groaning under, I have never heard one who was not a Tory, so 
much as lispe, — Let us submit to the Parliamentary acts. 

I could have easily enlarged ; but have been obliged to write what I 
have done in a great hurry, as I am this afternoon going from this 
place, which is twenty miles from Boston, about 16 or 18 miles 
upon some special business. And Mr. Green, whose vessel this comes 
in, is going to Dartmouth before I shall see him again, from whence 
the vessel is to sail for London. He promises me the letter shall be 
delivered by the master himself with his own hands. 

Mr. Winthrop lives now at Andover, about 27 miles from Boston. I 
saw him last week at his new-habitation. He is well, and would have 
undoubtedly wrote you, had he known of this opportunity. 

Next Wednesday, agreeably to the advice of the Continental Con- 
gress, this Province, having made choice of representatives, will meet 
in order to chuse counsellors, and to transact public business ; the 
Council acting in the place of the Governour, as they are allowed to do 
by our Charter when there is no Governor nor Lt. Governour, as is ap- 
l)rehended to be the case at present. None of the Colonies look upon 
Governor Gage or Lt. Governour Oliver as constitutional officers, and 
tliink we may constitutionally act without them. 

The following day, which is Thursday, will be observed by all tho 



41 

Colonies as a day of fasting and prayer, on account of oui- present cir- 
cumstances. Twas recommended to be observed by the Continental 
Coucress. I pray God it may be observed in a truly Christian manner, 
and so as that it may be acceptable to heaven. 

I shall add no more, but that I am, with all due regards, 

Your assured friend and humble servt. 

Dr. KiCHARD Price. [iVo siffiialiire.] 

I know not when I shall be able to write to you again ; but should 
be glad you would write to me as often as you can. Direct your letters 
to me at Medfield, and they will come safely. 

1 shall send a number of late newspapers to Mr. Hyslop, who will 
give you the reading of them should you desire it. Mr. Bromfield can 
inform you of him. 



CHARLES CHAUNCY TO RICHARD PRICE. 

Medfielu, near Boston, July 2'2d, 1775. 
Revd. and dear Sir, — In addition to what I wrote you in the 
utmost hurry by this same vessel, I would now say, having opportunity 
for it by Mr. Green's not going to Dartmouth so soon as he intended, a 
few things it may be gratifying to you to know. Our Continental Con- 
gress have published a declaration, setting forth " the reasons why they 
have taken up arms." They have likewise sent a Petition to the King, 
and an Address to the People of England ; all which you will probably 
have opportunity of seeing before this reaches you. Roxbury and 
Cambridge, the places in which our army is encamped, are so strongly 
fortified that were the King's troops three times as many as they are 
we should not be in the least fear of them. Our soldiers are continu- 
ally wishing they would come out ; but there is, as I imagine, no proba- 
bility of this. It is intended our army shall be increased to thirty 
thousand ; besides which, our minute-men arc so numerous, that upon 
an alarm fifty thousand of them might come to the help of the army, 
should necessity call for it, in two or three days. We have a sufficiency 
of powder, notwithstanding the endeavours of the ministry to prevent 
it; and before next year we shall have a full supply within ourselves. 
We can make what cannon, shot, shells, bombs, &c., we want. We 
have at present as many in these kinds a.s we have occasion for. The 
King's troops in Boston are very sickly, great numbers die daily ; and 
no wonder, for they are confined w"'in the narrow limits of Boston, 
not having fresh provisions or vegetables of any kind. They are indeed 
in a very pitiful, miserable, suffering 'condition, as is the unhappy 
case of our own people also who are yet in Boston, thro the perfidy 
of Govr. Gage. I expect the troops in Boston will most of them be car- 



42 

ried off by sickuess before the winter, unless they can come out into the 
country, whicb, I believe, they will find altogether impractible ; and 
this tho more reinforcements should be sent to tliem. They will die 
the faster, should their numbers be increased. Most of the ministers 
and churches in Boston, as well as its other inhabitants, are scattered 
into all parts of the country, and thousands of them totally undone as 
to this world. Tis astonishing to us that the people in England are so 
blind as not to see that every thing that is done against us is done 
against them. They may be ruined ; but this will not be our case, tho 
we may suffer greatly. The ministry may imagine we can't live w'''out 
commerce w"' England, but they are greatly mistaken. We have all 
the necessaries, and many of the comforts and conveniences of life w'''in 
ourselves ; and shall perhaps be better able to go thro the war than 
they are. You may rely upon it as truth that, instead of discord and 
faintheartedness, the Colonies are all imited and couragiously resolute 
to suffer death, rather than submit to arbitrary, despotic government. 
I 'm ready to think by appearances in our army that it will not be long 
before some great enterprise will be engaged in ; and should it be suc- 
ceeded, as I trust it will, an end will be put to the war for this year at 
least. Our representatives have chosen Counsellers, and will soon ap- 
point Judges, and all civil officers necessary to our becoming a constitu- 
tionally governed people. Our late Govr. Hutchinson, being left of God, 
was so infatuated as to leave in his house at Milton his trunk of letters 
coming down to 1773, which has fallen into the hands of our late Pro- 
vincial Congress, and by a remarkable providence. These letters are 
now printing in our news-papers, and make such a discovery of the per- 
fidy, treachery, and villainy of the man, that his once best friends now 
give him up as a traitor to his country. It appears from these letters 
that for a course of years he has been carrying on one uniform design 
of enslaving his country. The ministry have all along taken their 
measures from him. But I must not enlarge. I fear I have tried 
your patience. I am, wishing you the best of blessings. 
Your assured friend and humble servt. 

[ Tlie siyuatiire Ikis been rut "ff-^ 



EARL OF SHELBUHNE TO RICHARD rRICE. 

LiMKiiu'K, 6 Sept', 177.'). 
Dkau D" Price, — I should have written to you in Wales, but 1 
had nothing new to send you, and was letterally very much hurried, as 
well as very much stupified, which I alway.i am with a month's good 
living. I have here still less to entertain you from this out of the way 
country, but I Hatter myself that you and Mrs. Price will not be sorry 



43 

to hear that I am well. Look upon the map, and you '11 see a little 
Isle call'J Valentia in the S. Western corner of the Old World. Oppo- 
site to this I have been this fortnight, where I found the lauds in a 
state of nature, the people worse, the result of poverty and the Popery 
laws, which are subversive of all morality, publick or private confidence, 
and industry. I found these poor people under a degree of oppres- 
sion scarcely conceivable. The head tenants have no idea of draw- 
ing their subsistence from cultivating the ground, but from racking the 
poor people, which goes sometimes four or five deep, till you fiud the 
real occupier very little remov'd from the brute creation in appearance, 
food, dress, or state of mind. They have refin'd to such a degree upon 
this system, that I found a considerable tenant letting his land in ounces, 
a new measure, containing I suppose half a rood. The clergy are the 
worst landlords of all, and what mortifies me, who do not feel rich as 
you do, is that they shall demand tylhe the very first year upon land 
which I give amongst the poor rent free for 20 year. 

I find all classes in this kingdom much more animated about America 
than in England. In every Protestant or Dissenter's house, the estab- 
lish'd toast is success to the Am""". Among the Roman Catholicks 
they not only talk but act very freely on the other side. They have in 
different parts enter'd into Associations, and subscrib'd largely to levye 
men against America, avowing their dislike of a constitution here or in 
America, of which they are not allow'd to participate. On the other 
hand the Pari' pretend to no will but that of the Minister. I have no 
time to make reflections on this state of things, or what it may produce, 
nor is it necessary to you, so well able to form his own judgements. I 
ride here sometimes 13 hours out of the 24, by which means I hope to 
finish my business by the beginning of next mouth, when it will be 
great pleasure to me to find you and IMrs Price as well as I wish you 
both. Till then, dear D' Price, adieu. 

\_No siffnature.^ 



WILLIAM GORDON 1 TO RICHARD PRICE. 

The best chronicle of facts, that can be communicated at present by 
one of the former directors of the London Annuity Society. 

' Rev. William Gordon, D.D., was an Eiiglishiiiaii by birtli, and came to tliis 
country in 1770. In 1772 lie was ordained minister of the cliurcli in .Jamaica 
Plain. During the Revolution he took an active part in public affairs, and at 
one time was chaplain to the Provincial Congress. In 1786 he returned to Eng- 
hind, and in 1788 he published his " History of the Rise, Progress, and Establish- 
ment of the Independence of the United States." He married a daughter of John 
Fielil, an apothecary in extensive practice in Newgate Street, London, and died 
in Ipswich, England, in 1807. See 6 Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. iii. p. 151 » ; Diction- 
ary of National Biography, vol. xviii. pp. 400. 406; vol. xxii. p. 235. — £i>s 



44 

The officers of Gage's army liad been toastiug to the 17 th of June, 
for near a fortnight or better. What particular expedition they had 
planned cannot learn ; but apprehend some grand one, and that it was 
discoucerted by the Bunker's hill affair. 

Charles Town was not burnt thro necessity, to cover the approach 
of the regulars, or to dislodge any provincials that were in and fired 
from the houses, that not being a fact ; but in consequence of a pre- 
vious resolution of Gen. Gage's. A married lady of my acquaintance 
(Mrs. Miller, a daughter of Mr. Gary of Charles Town) informed me 
Monday 3 weeks, An' 21, at Cambridge, that before she left Boston, 
being alone with Lady Gage in her dressing room for an hour together. 
Lady Gage pressed her to remain there as the place of greatest safety, 
but finding her determined to quit the town, she desired her not to stay 
in Charles Town, for that the General was fixed upon destroying it, as 
soon as the provincials attempted to throw up any works on that side. 
This was confirmed to Mrs. Miller by three or four officers who told 
her the same. 

Mistakes on both sides. The provincials were directed by the 
proper powers to entrench on Bunker's hill ; by some inferior authority 
they were ordered to do it on Breed's hill, which was exposed to 
Gage's cannon on Copse Hill in Boston and the fire of the ships, which 
the first hill was not, being difierently situated and at a greater dis- 
tance. Had not the ground marked out, nor the tools in readiness so 
as to begin working, till a quarter before twelve at night. Never re- 
lieved the next morning, nor refreshed with a supply of provision, but 
had to fight the enemy after all the preceding fatigue. The number 
that were engaged about a thousand ; the weight of the engagement lay 
upon about 300. Killed 120, wounded 300, died since of their wounds 
about 30. Made prisoners 30, all wounded. The wounded who were 
not prisoners had the advantage of fresh provision, good care, &c., so 
that very few of them died. 

The whole brigade under Gen. Howe was three thousand. Instead 
of landing and marching so as to escape the front of the entrenchment, 
and come upon the back of the provincials that were in it, they marched 
in front and attacked the entrenchment. Whether for want of knowing 
the ground, or out of military bravery, or for some other reason, know 
not. They advanced too slowly, whicli kept them the longer exposed 
to our fire ; were repulsed twice. A provincial was over-heard crying 
out. What shall we do ? our powder is gone. They returned and car- 
ried the embryo of an entrenchment, for it w<as no better. They buried 
upon the ground, officers and men, five hundred or more. Had 
wounded 800, and have lost out of them about five hundred. I give 
whole, even numbers, instead of broken. With killed upon the spot, 
and that have since died of their wounds, they have lost full a thou- 



45 

sand of their best troops. The action lasted five and thirty minutes by 
the watch of a gentleman who noted its continuance on the other side 
of the river or ferry, at or about Chelsea. Thro mistake twelve pound 
cartridges were brought for their nine pounders, or nine for six, I can't 
say which. The provincials lost some l)rave officers, among wliich was 
my friend Dr., then Genl., Warren, tlie regulars a great many. After 
the engagement the regulars began to entrench on Bunker's Hill, the 
provincials on Winter's Hill and Prospect Hill (that division of them 
that was stationed at and about Cambridge) to prevent Gage's troops 
penetrating into the country from the way of Charles Town. Another 
part of the provincials that lay below my house, about Roxbury street, 
at the head of Boston Neck, began to add to the natural strength of 
their post by throwing up entrenchments, redoubts, &c. The provin- 
cials had a great advantage by the peasantry's poring in armed from 
the country immediately upon the Bunker's liill engagement, so as to 
be ready to support them the next day in case of any fresh attack from 
the regulars, who had sufferd too much to al tempt doing it. Had all 
our officers behaved with courage, the regulars would not have got 
possession of the entrenchment ; but one Col. Gerrish proved cowardly, 
for which he has been since cashier'd. There is one of the same name 
in our new constitutional Council, chose by the assembly, but it is not 
the same person. Entrenching and fortifying has been a great part nf 
the business on both sides ever since. There have been small expedi- 
tions by the provincials of various kinds, in all which they have suc- 
ceeded beyond what could have been expected. The provincial army 
has been regulating, since the arrival of Gen'" Washington, Lee, Gates, 
&c., who were upon the road when Bunker's hill affair happened, and is 
become 25 p ct. stronger than before. By next spring it will be far more 
formidable, unless some unexpected event should turn np. We have 
been in great want of powder, but our main difficulty as to that article 
is, I apprehend, at an end. About a month back the provincial army 
had not nine rounds a man, for I suppose near a fortnight. We 
have erected salt-petre works in many parts of the continent which 
succeed well. We shall be able to supply ourselves with a sufficiency 
by this time twelve month, if not before. The Saturday evening, be- 
fore I sat off, the left wing of the army uuder Gen. Lee detached a 
corps to entrench on what is called Ploughed Hill, an advanced station 
towards Bunker's. Twas expected that Gen. Howe would have at- 
tempted dislodging them, and that that attempt would have brought on 
a pritty general engagement on that side; the provincials prepared and 
wished for it, but the regulars contented themselves with cannonading, 
which (lid very little mischeif. The whole Lord's day they killed but 
two men, and wounded two others, one of whom is since dead. The 
provincials used to be much afraid of cannon balls and bombs, but find- 



46 

ing they do so little mischeif, they grow hardened' and pay small atten- 
tion to them. 

The Continental Congress is now sitting. Am acquainted with 
many of the delegates, and shall soon be ac<|uainted with most. They 
appear to be fixed and resolute ; and articles of confederacy for the 
united colonies are in contemplation, and will be come into, should 
the ministry persist. Heard one of the Georgia delegates, Dr. Zubly 
(who drew up the Georgia Congress to his Majesty, a Swiss) preach 
an excellent discourse last Sabbath from the .') of Eph. 1.5. 

The provincials and regulars must shortly betake themselves to bur- 
racks. Gen. Howe's brigade, having burnt Charles Town which other- 
wise might have served for barracks, must shortly retreat, I apprehend, 
to Boston, for they will not get materials for building. The regulars 
have suffered much by the dissentry and bloody flux, common at this 
season of the year, .not having fresh provisions, vegetables, milk, &c. 
The provincials have had the like complaint, but not in such numbers, 
nor has it been attended with any great mortality. They had not 
buried, I believe, more than two hundred and fifty when I came away 
from Jamaica Plain, An' 28, and then they were growing more healthy. 
They have plenty of all kinds of provision cheap. We shall be in uo 
danger of wanting. God has graciously given us abundance, while the 
regulars are under great inconveniences. The stoppage of all exports 
will be much to our advantage. It commenced on Saturday night, 12 
o'clock. From the greatest hurry in this port on Saturday, we are 
fallen into the profoundest inactivity. We can make as much paper 
money as we please, which will be a good circulation among ourselves. 
Our affairs are ripening like all others in America with an amazing 
velocity ; and the world will be soon astonished with a growing for- 
midable power that they had scarce any notion of. 

We have been before hand with the ministry, and have secured 
the friendship of the Indians, by kindling the fire and brightening the 
chain. The Canadians wish us success, and countenance an expedition 
now carrying on against the regulars at St. Johns, in the way to Mont- 
real, and we have reason to think will rejoice in finding themselves 
freed from under Carleton's government and at liberty to join us. Major 
Skeen told several of my friends in this city, that Ld. Dartmouth offerd 
him money to take off, alias bribe, the leaders. Col. Guy Johnson told 
the Revd. Mr. Kirkland that his Lordship had ordered him to suffer no 
Presbyterian ministers to go among the Indians, for that they were not 
friendly to government, and to encourage Episcopalians only ; and upon 
this direction the Revd. Mr. Kirkland was detained by him a prisoner 
for a fortnight. Since Col. Johnson has been obliged to fly the country. 

The post in ; no news from the camp. 

Philadelphia, Sept. 12, 1776. 



47 

You may communicate the contents to whom, and as you please. 
Let Mr. Field of Newgate street and Mr. Field, stationer, see it. 
Have no time to read it over. We have got" the news of the Irish re- 
joycings on account of the Bunker's hill. 

Dr. Chauncy well, Monday fortnight. Ur. Franklin well. 



EARL OF SHELBURNE TO RICHARD PRICE. 

B[owood] P[ark], 1.5 Oct', 177.5. 

Dear D" Price, — I came here last night, and take the first oppor- 
tunity of transmitting you the inclos'd from Lady Arbella Denny. 

What a dreadfuU crisis are our publick affairs reduc'd to? I look 
upon the Colonies as lost, no exertions can prevent it, and the conse- 
quence will be, that he will be the happiest who can live upon the 
least. I do not say it to excuse myself, for I am prepar'd to ac(iuit 
myself. But nothing will do with a Court so determin'd and a peo|ile 
so indifferent, I am always affectionately yrs. 

[A dash in place of siijnaliiie.] 



RICHARD PRICE TO CHARLES CHAUNCY. 

N[ewinoto]n, Dec. [177.5.] 
Dear Sir, — I take this opportunity to return you my best thanks 
for the letters of the 18th and 22d of July last with which you have 
favoured me. I have also received a very agreeable letter from Dr. 
Wiuthrop dated the 6th and 30th of June for which I beg you would 
deliver to him my acknowledgem"". I hope he has received a letter 
I writ to him about 5 or 6 weeks ago. The times are growing more 
and more serious ; but I will not touch upon political affairs, because it 
is not possible to know into what hands any letters may fall, or what use 

may be made of them. I have mentioned to Mr. D and Mr. S 

some things I would wish to say to you, and they will inform you how 
things go on here. Dr. Pr — y has a book just printed containing his 
farther Discoveries on Air, which he wishes to convey to Dr. Winth — p, 
but he does not know how to do it. Siiould Dr. Franklin ever come in 

your way, or in Dr. W p's, be so good as to deliver to him my most 

affectionate and respectful remembrances. He has lately, I find, been 
to visit the camp near Boston. His letter to Dr. P — y, dated the 
3d of Oct., has been received. There is no one whom we talk of with 
more regard and pleasure. Tell him I writ to him in Sept. by a person 
who, I believe, has been cajoled. Any intelligence you can get any 



48 

opportunity for sendino; me will be extremely wellcome. It is a sad 
calamity that all commiuiicatiou between the two countries is now so 
much cut off. I continue to think as I allways did. A letter from 

Dr Wiggle th was some time ago delivered to me by Mr. Smith 

of Cambridge. Acquaint him, if you please, that I think myself much 
oblig'd to him for it. Mr. Br d has lately sent you a full collec- 
tion of most of our newspapers for some time past, and they will 
inform you, if they arrive, of the principal events that have lately 
happened here. 

May Heaven favour and bless you. 

I am, dear Sir, with the sincerest respect, 

Your very humble servt. 

Yesterday I received an anonymous letter dated Philadelphia Sept. 
12th. It contains a chronicle of facts many of them important and 

interesting ; and informs me that you and Dr. Fr u were then 

well. I am much obliged to the writer for directing this account to 
me; and I shall, as desired, communicate it to Mr. Field, and others 
of my acijuaiiitance. I suppose the writer is Mr. Gordon, to whom I 
beg you would deliver ray respects. 



EARL OF SHELBURNE TO RICHARD PRICE. 

[Dec, 1775'] 
Dear Dr. Price, — When I came here I left with Le Fevre at Shel- 
burne House my Book of Exports and Imports to fill up out of Mr. 
Morris's. He was to go to his house to do it, and I should suppose must 
by this time have finish'd it, and you may find it in his hands, as I re- 
member you told me you wanted to see the last years. I need not, I 
am sure, remind you, that all office informations require certain man- 
agements in the use that's made of them, least it should be trac'd to 
the individual who gives them, and who may be liable to suffer very 
unjustly. 

The American cause gains ground daily in the country. Ld. Mans- 
field's last speech, which was very accurately publish'd, has done them 
wreat service.' I have .seen very authentick letters from thence, which 
mention their marine as an augmenting one, and that by next spring 
they will [have] 30 frigates and sloops well mann'd and arm'd.^ 

1 The reference is probably to the speech of Lord Mansfield, Nov, 15, 1775, on 
the Duke of Grafton's motion respecting the British forces in America. See 
Parliamentary History, vol. xviii. cols. 965-958. — Ens. 

- Congress showed great activity during the latter part of 1775 in providing 
for and equipping an American fleet, from which time tlie origin of the American 
navy may very properly date. See Force's American Archives, fourtli series, 
vol. iii. cols, 18"J6-1957, pasxim. — Eds. 



49 

I should detain you too [long] if 1 was to give you all the compli- 
ments of your friends where we make a large society, agreeing in noth- 
ing more than in very sincere comp'' to Dr. Price. 

I beg mine to Mrs. Price, and am, dr. Sr., most cordially 

Yours, Shelburne. 



ARTHUR LEE i TO RICHARD PRICE. 

Paris, April 20th, 1777. 

Dear Sir, — I beg you will accept my thanks for the favour of your 
pamphlet, than which I never in my life read any thing with more 
satisfaction.' 

But alas ! the decree is gone forth, and we are one no more. Provi- 
dence, by inspiring the same hardness of heart that delivered the 
children of Israel from their oppressors, has delivered us. A series of 
the most undistingui.shiug and inhuman barbarities by the German and 
British soldiery, together with Gen' Howe's order to put all persons to 
the sword who should be found in arms without an officer, have planted 
in the minds of all men an utter detestation of the British government. 

Congress have appointed a Committee to enquire into the cruelties 
that have been committed ; that if there be any distinction among the 
perpetrators, the punishment may fall where it is most deserved. The 
17th Reg', which had behaved with remarkable cruelty, fought with 
such desperate valour at Princeton that they were almost entirely cut 
to pieces. And such was their brutal ferocity, that even during the 
action, which had various turns, if any American fell into their hands 
they murdered him with the most savage inhumanity. This was the 
fate of General Mercer, a very brave and worthy officer from the State 
to which I have the honour to belong. 

These, Sir, are the lamentable fruits of Scotch principles and politics. 
But the calamity which they meant solely for us has fallen heavy upon 
them and their adherents. Elevated with the first appearance of 
success, and unmindful of the lenity which had spared and protected 
them, they openly and in all parts began to agitate the ruin of the 
people. This at once produced a distinction and a necessity of expel- 

1 Arthur Lee was born in Westmoreland County, Virginia, Dec. 20, 1740, and 
was educated in England and Scotland. Returning to America, lie practised as a 
physician in Virginia, and after a short time went again to England, studied law, 
and was admitted to the bar. In 1770 he was appointed agent in England of the 
Massachusetts House of Representatives. Subsequently he served in various 
diplomatic capacities on the continent of Europe. He died in Virginia Dec. 12, 
1792. — Eds. 

- It was entitled " Additional Observations on the Nature and Value of Civil 
Liberty and the War with America." — Ed.s. 

4 



50 

ling them, which was ofrcctiiifr liy iirocliiiiiation, ami with every (l(>i;ree 
of lenity wliicli the nalui'e of the- thiiif: will admit of. In Virijinia they 
are allowed to sell their properly and depart in peace. But where the 
war presses aud the enemy is invadinj;, the necessity of the situation 
would not a<lmit of more indulgence than time to remove their families. 

The new governments, in the different States, are well established ; 
and that of the Congress deeply rooted. 

Amid these wonderful events, it is a source of infinite satisfaction to 
me, that I have the honour of being numberd with you and other.s as 
having earnestly and sincerely labourd to avert this calamity from 
England, and to persuade those in whose power it was to send forth 
the spirit of peace, and re-nnite us upon terms of equal liberty. 

If any one can save a nation so pressd within and threatend without 
it is our friend Lord Shelburne. At least he is the only man of his 
rank whom I have the honour of knowing, whose virtues and abilities 
seem equal to the arduous task of retreiving a public overwhelmd with 
so many evils as that of England now is. Indeed, in my o|)inion, it 
woud retpiire a people of more virtue than the world ever yet pro- 
duced, or than human nature will admit of, to resist the contagion of 
Scotch principles, to be united with Scotland, and not be undone. I 
mean as to its morals and public principles. The conduct of these 
people after their emigration to America proves the inveteracy of their 
national character. They had tied from the tyranny and exactions 
of their chiefs. In America, they found refuge and relief. Yet at the 
cnll of those very chiefs they took up arms to destroy their benefactoi's, 
or reduce them, and return themselves under that domination of which 
they had had such bitter experience. A striking instance how impossible 
it is to wean them from the |)rinciples of perKdy, slavery and ingrati- 
tude which are native to them ; and which mark them as a people, 
hostis humani generis. 

To form a nation upon the piinciples of equal justice and permanent 
liberty is perhaps little less difficult than to retrieve one from its 
degeneracy. That task is ours. So many various spirits are put in 
motion during a civil war, so many opportunities offer to the dai'ing 
and the villous, the sweets of power and pre-eminence are so necessarily 
tasted by so many, that it must be fortunate indeed if some of them do 
not attempt to augment and extend the enjoyment of them beyond the 
limits prescribd by a system of eipial liberty. But it may be well 
hoped that these attempts will be frustrated by the checks of so many 
republics; and the vigilance of those who are aware of such conse- 
(inonces. Rome perished because the people mistook the spirit of 
faction for that of liberty, and because the collection of the whole into 
one head left no check, and rend('rd its corruption fatal to the whole. 

Mav your lights and labours. Sir, reform the degeneracy of the 



51 

times, and re-inspire the spirit of liberty into the people of England. 
May the example of her childre.n teach her how invincible that spirit is 
where it really operates ! The unworthy conduct of the Scotch govern- 
ment, to which she has submitted, has not so utterly extinguishd the 
love I bore her as to prevent me from wishing her most sincerely 
the full enjoyment of that liberty, which she has at least countenanc'd 
the Scots in their base and brutal endeavours to wrest from us. 

I must beg the favor of you to make my best respects to Ld. Shel- 
burue, Col. Barrc, Dr. Priestley, and all those of our acquaintance who 
yet do me the honour of their remembrance, and remain untorrifyd and 
unseduc'd from the cause of truth and Liberty. 

I have the honour to be, with the most sincere respect and esteem, 
dear Sir, 

Yr. most obedt. servt., Arthur Lee. 



RICHARD PRICE TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 

N[kvvingto]n G[hee]n, June 15">, 1777. 

The writer of this presents his best respects and wishes to Dr. 
Franklin, whom he always thinks of with particular regard. He begs 
the favour of him to convey the inclosed letters to the persons to whom 
they are directed. He supposes Dr. Franklin has frequent opportu- 
nities for sending to New-England ; and therefore has taken the liberty 
to trouble him with the care of the letter to Dr. Winthrop. 

The general talk here of military men and of the ministry is that 
Philadelphia will be taken, and the war with the Americans decided 
this summer. Distrest by the loss of their magazines ; disappointed in 
their views from Europe ; discouraged by disunion and desertion among 
themselves, and threaten 'd by an invasion from Canada under Bur- 
goyne, all, it is said, is over with them. Such is the confidence with 
which this is given out that many of those who are least disposed to 
credit such assertions are stagger'd. So certain do the Bishops in par- 
ticular think the speedy coiKjuest of America that they have formed a 
committee for taking into consideration measures for settling Bishops in 
America agreeably to an intimation at the conclusion of the Archbishop 
of York's sermon in Feb^ last to the Society for propagating the 
Gospel. 

RICHARD PRICE TO ARTHUR LEE. 

Newington, June 15tli, 1777. 
Dear Sik, — Accept my best thanks for the very kind and obliging 
letter with which you have favoured me. It gave me indeed great 
pleasure ; and I am particularly happy in the approbation you express 



52 

of my late publication. I have drawn upon myself a torrent of oppo- 
sition :iM(l abuse; but the satisfactioTi I feel in the consciousness of iiav- 
ing endeavoured to promote tlie cause of liberty and justice makes me 
abundant amends. Having doue the little in my power, 1 liave taken 
my leave of politics ; and am now in the situation of a silent spectator 
waiting with inexpressible anxiety the issue of one of the most import- 
ant struggles that ever took place among mankind. Your letter has 
been communicated to the persons you mention at the conclusion of il. 
They are all well, but now out of town. I know you have a great 
share of their particular regard. We are much in the dark here ; and 
I am continually longing for some method of coming at truth amidst 
the numberless stories that are circulated here, and the mutilated ac- 
counts given out by the ministry. I should be much more large and 
explicit in answering your letter, were I not obliged to be very cautious. 
You will, I doubt not, consider this; and make allowances for inc. 
Under a grateful sense of your kind remembrance of me, and with 
sentim'" of warm and aflectionate respect, I am, dear Sir, your very 
obedient ami huml)le serv'. 



RICHAKl) PRICE 'W JOHN WINTHROP. 

London, June 15tli, 1777. 
Dkar S", — It is scarcely possible for me to tell you what gratitude 
I feel for the two letters I have lately received from you, and for the 
trouble you have given yourself alxnit Mr. Parker's affiiir. The pieces 
of news-papers also which acconipany'd your first letter were extremely 
welcome. Indeed every thing that can come to me from America is at 
present particularly interesting to me. I have wished much to be able 
to j)Ul into your haniis some pamphlets wliicli I have lately published 
on the war with America. By these publications I have drawn upnn 
myself a vast deal of abuse; but the comfort I derive from the con- 
sciousness of having in this instance satisfied my judgment and endeav- 
oured to act the part of a good citizen, makes me abundant amends. 
Having done the little in my power, [ am now iji the situation of a silent 
spectator waiting, with inexpressible an.viety, tlie issue of a most im- 
portant struggle. God grant that it may prove favourable to the inter- 
est of general liberty and justice. I have lately received a very kind 
letter from Mr. Gordon. What he says about Mr. Parker's affair has 
been communicated to him. It is exceeding kind in yon to give him 
your aid in managing this business. Deliver my respects to him, and 
inform him, that I think myself greatly obliged to him for his letters. 
I would write to him a general letter of acknowledgm' ; but the short 
notice I have received of the opportunity w'"' now offers itself does not 



53 

allow ine time. I am become a person so marked and obnoxious that 
prudence recpiires me to be very cautious. So true is this, that I avoid 
all correspondence with Dr. Franklin, tho' so near me as Paris. For 
this reason I cannot give Mr. Gordon the assistance he desires in writ- 
ing the History of the present war. There are publications here, snch 
particularly as the Annual Register printed for Dodsley and the 
Remembrancer printed for Mr. Almon, w'^'' would give him :i good deal 
of help in such a work. Remember me with all possible affection and 
respect to good Dr. Chauncy. Any accounts w"^*" you can sand me 
will be always very acceptable. There is less danger in receiving than 

sending accounts. Your letters to me and to Dr. P ly in 177() 

were received. Dr. P ly is at a distance from me in the country. 

He was very well when I heard from him; and as anxious as I am. 

May Heaven unite us in that world of peace and righteousness where 
the wicked shall cease (Vom troubling, and oppression be never known. 
With the most perfect respect and affection, I am, dear Sir, 
Your obliged friend and most humble servant. 



EARL OF SHELBUUNE TO RICHARD PRICE. 

Bowoou Park, 24 Sept^, 1777. 
My dear Friend, — It's a long time since I have had the pleasure 
of hearing from you. It therefore gave me great satisfaction to find 
that you and Mrs. Price were well by your letter to Dr. Priestley. I 
sliould have been in London before now, if the indolence of my life 
here, where I sit under the shade of trees of my own planting, and 
the seat of government having little inviting in a time of such publick 
calamity, had not insensibly detain'd me. I was inclinM to write to 
you frequently, if I did not apprehend the fidelity of the conveyance, as 
long as you were at any distance of London. I wish'd to tell you of 
letters which I receiv'd from both armys, especially as those from 
Canada were quite necessary to form a right judgement of what had 
pass'd there, after the high colouring of the General of the King's 
troops. The most material particulars I find since in Gen' St. Clair's 
letter publish'd by the Congress ; my accounts contain nothing more 
than that 50 Americans had not join'd them by the 12th of July, 5 
days after their boasted victory. I hear accounts of the same nature 
from Gen' Howe's army, who have found the country universally hos- 
tile, nothing but women remaining in the houses, no intelligence to be 
had, at the same time that Gen' Washington was instantly inform'd of 
every motion of the King's troops. That Gen' Washington had not 
above 10,000 troops with him, how many other corps were afoot, and 



54 

wliiit numbers, they were ignorant, but wherever they turti'd they were 
sure to meet au enemy. These accounts made the army despond of 
conquering the country, and certain that nothing decisive would take 
place this campaign. I hear the avow'd displeasure of Administration 
towards Gen' Carleton was his not employing the Indians sooner. In 
this state of things, America is safe, but, my dear friend, what will 
become of England ? I just hear of some extraordinary orders given 
by Government, which mark something more than common apprehen- 
sions, for arming more ships, &c. When I write to you my heart and 
pen go together. But as it may affect others, and we have all to deal 
with a wicked Administration, I beg you'll not mention your authority 
for the above honest opinions from America, lest those who gave them 
should suffer for them. 

I have read with great pleasure L'' Abington's pamphlet.' I hope 
all partys in the City will join in doing justice to his spirit, and to his 
sentiments. 

I hope to be in London by Saturday sennight if not before, and shall 
not have more pleasure in any thing,4han in assuring you that I am, 
Most truly y". 

Shelburne. 

P. S. I beg my best comp'" to Mrs. Price. 



BARON VAN DEH CAPELLEN- TO RICHARD PRICE. 

ZwoL, Decern' 14'i', 1777. 

Sir, — I am so much interested in the affairs of the United Colonies, 

and entertain, without having the honor of being known to him, so 

much regard for the illustrious Author of the Ohservutlons on Civil 

Liberty, and of the Additional Observations, that I hope to be excused 

' Lord Abington's pamplilet, " Thouglits on Mr. Hurke's Letter to tlie 
Sheriffs of Bristol on the Affairs of America," was publislieil sliortiy before tlie 
ilate of this letter. It attackeil Burke tor a supposed lack of zeal iu opposiuf; tlie 
war witli the Colonies, and attracted the notice of all political parties. Within 
a few months after its first apjiearance it passed through five editions, and was 
revised and reprinted in 1780. — Eds. 

- Jolian Derk van der Capellen, Seigneur du Pol, was a noble of Overyssel and 
an eminent Dutch statesman. Me was born at Tiel Nov. 2, 1741, and died sud- 
denly at Zwol .June (5, 1784. D\iring our Revolutionary period he warmly 
espoused the American cause, and was a frequent correspondent of John Adams, 
Benjamin Franklin, William Livingston, .lonathan Trumbull, and other promi- 
nent men. (See A. J. van der Aa, Biograpliisch Woordenboek der Nederlanden, 
vol. iii. pp. 148-1.52.) A colleetion of letters to and from him was published at 
Utrecht in 1879, under tlie editorial care of Mr. W. 11. de Beaufort, in au octavo 
volume of more than eight hundred and fifty pages. — Eds. 



55 

the liberty which I now take, and wliicli I beg you would consider as 
the effect of the higliest esteem aud of a desire to be acquaiiiteil with 
a man who hns deserved so well from his country and from mankind 
in general. 

You know, Sir, that his Majesty the King of Great Britain thought 
fit two years ago to avail himself of the influence of the Prince Stad- 
holder in order to obtain from the Republic, as a pure mark of friend- 
ship and witJiout any wat/s being oJilif/ed in virln.e of former treaties, the 
Scotf.h hrif/ade whi.rh is in- our serin're, to be eniploifd during tlie troubles 
in America. 

In quality of a member of the body of nobles of Overyssel, one of our 
seven provinces, I was obliged to vote in this difficult aflfair. All ray 
collegues were of opinion to grant the brigade. An opinion which pre- 
vailed also in all the other provinces; so that his Majesty might have 
had it, if he had chosen to accept it on condition of not employing it out 
of Europe ; — a restriction, which was made after long deliberations for 
many weeks by one or two cities in the province of Holland, particu- 
larly Amsterdam. There was only myself who thought this step full 
of danger, contrary to the interests of my country, and to those of man- 
kind. Among other expressions on this occasion I made use nearly of 

the following, " If our troops are not em[)loyed directly, they aie 

at least indirectly, to quell what some have been pleased to call a 
rebellion of the Colonists in America. But I sh'' prefer seeing .lanis- 
saries hired for this purpose rather than the troops of a free state. 
There is nothing so horrible as this unnatural war among brethrer ; 
and in which even the savages would not interfere, if we may believe 
the public pa| ers. It would then be very strange that a people should 
do this who have been slaves themselves, who have also borne the 
name of Re/iels, and who have gained their liberties by force of arms. 
But this step grieves me particularly, as I consider the Americans 
to be brave men who defend in a moderate, pious, couragious manner 
the rights which they hohl as being men, not from the legislative 
power of England but from God himself; who defend. I say, these 
rights in a manner which I hope will serve as a model to all people 
whose priviledges shall be attacked, and who shall be so happy as to 
have it in their power to make some eflTort either to preserve or 
recover them." 

And that I might not appear to have opposed myself out of a spirit 
of contradiction, I caused my memorial, which was written in great 
haste, to be inserted in the Journals of the Assembly, reserving besides 
to myself a Protest against the Resolution taken from a plurality of 
voices in such a case as this, which absolutely recpiires the unanimous 
consent of all the members of the State. An open opposition against 
the declared intention of a Court which sovereignly disposes of the 



56 

army, of employments, &c., &c., &c., in fine which, according to the 
known proverb, appoints and deposes its lords and masters, was a 
plirenomenon which could not fail making some noise in the world. 
My memorial has appeared in print at many dirt'erent limes (a circum- 
stance very rare and almost criminal in a country where the ideas 
of civil government, the rights of the people, and the duties of the 
magistrates are still altogether so confused) ; it has been printed in the 
foreign gazettes ; but in those of my own country they have taken care 
not to have any thing to do with it. The Courier of the Lower Bhine 
w.as highly taken with it; but in 15 days after he was obliged to 
retract all the good things he had said of it. This littleness of mind in 
the person who thought himself offended, has afforded me a great deal 
of entertainment. And in order to prevent the effects which mv me- 
morial might have produced, anonymous and probably hired writers 
were employ'd to abuse me without reserve, and to accuse me, among 
other crimes, of having dared to decide in a quarrel between England 
and her Colonies, which according to my antagonists did not concern 
me, and with which they thought me as little acquainted as they were, 
in reality, themselves. 

At last in the following Diet the ruling States of my province began 
to perceive that this memorial contained indecent expressions, and that 
they were under the necessity of not suffering it to continue any longer 
in the journals of the Assembly: (from whence they derived this di.s- 
covery is a secret, their High Mightinesses having thought proper 
to seal all the papers relating to this fine affiiir with the seal of the 
province and to place them among the arcana of the state) and at the 
same time they took the resolution of ei'asing my memorial and of giv- 
ing me the permission of inserting another, in which I should omit all 
that was offensive, and that did not directly belong to the subject 
of deliberation. This last clause related to the military jurisdiction 
(forum privilegiatum militare) an invention of our Stadholders, which 
I had called a monster, and which I did not imagine to be foreign to 
a deliberation, which might directly occasion an augmentation of troops, 
and of the disorders produced by them ; for I doubt not that the con- 
cealed design was, to replace the brigade with German troops, and 
notwithstanding this, to recall also the brigade, as soon as the King 
of England sh'' have no further use for them. The two detachments 
sent to .Surinam and Berbice a few years ago and changed since into 
permanent regiments justify my suspicions on this subject. You will 
perceive, Sir, that having by my birth the right of voting in the Assem- 
bly of the States, and of supporting my opinion by arguments which my- 
self a.w\ not my collegues thought agreeable, I was not obliged to accept 
from my ecjuals a permission that I did not want : therefore I rejected 
it with disdain, waiting only for an opportunity of defending myself in 



57 

public, and of informing posterity of the unworthy manner in which 
I had been treated. This opportunity soon offer'd itself. One of my 
principal crimes, as I have already had the honor of informing you, 
was my decision in favor of the Americans. It was with difficulty 
understood (tho' a very simple case) that it was not lawful for us 
to lend our troops to destroy our fellow-creatures without being either 
obliged to it or having examined by what right this was done ; and 
that all the blood which was shed in conseijuence of this conduct 
would inevitably be placed to our account. I was then delighted, Sir, 
to see your incomparable Observations on Civil Liberty make their 
appearance, since I was persuaded that I could not better justify my 
sentiments and my conduct with regard to this point than in giving 
a translation of them. This I accordingly did, and had the satis- 
faction of seeing it pass thro' two editions in less than a year, although 
a French translation, executed in haste by a person ignorant both 
of the languages and the subject, had preceded it some months. I 
take the liberty of laying a specimen before you. 

After having said something in the preface respecting the motives 
which led me to become a translator, an office altogether new to 
me, I have endeavor'd to render you known and esteemed among my 
countrymen, (as you are amongst all honest men in England,) and 
to prove how much you have been wrong'd in being accused of found- 
ing a new and dangerous system ; that you taught the same truths 
whicli great men, among others the celebrated Hutcheson, had long 
taught before ; and in order the better to convince the Hollanders of 
the solidity of your assertions I have taken from our own history 
(and I think myself the first who has had the boldness to consider 
the revolutions in 1672 and 1742 under this point of view) an argu- 
mentum ad hominem (as it is called) which reduces us to the alterna- 
tive, either of agreeing to what you have said with regard to the right 
of the people to model their own government as they please, or of 
owning that ours is only the effect of violence and imposture. I have 
finish'd this preface with some remarks on the unlimited liberty of the 
press ; a liberty which is still disputed amongst us ! 

With respect to the Additional Observations : In order, in some 
degree, to obviate the impressions produced by the publication of M. 
Goodricke, which has been translated here, I have, without entering into 
controversy, begun with a passage of the formidable Locke, in which 
he demonstrates, I think beyond all refutation, that the power of mak- 
ing and executing laws for civil society, does by no means imply the 
power of disposing of the property of citizens without their consent, 
giuen either in person or by thdr representatives. After which I have 
added an extract from Mr, Hutcheson, in which this friend of mankind 
treats of the reciprocal rights of mother-countries and their colonies. 



58 

I have next inserted Dr. P'raiikliii's ' tliree letters to Governor Shirley 
whicli coiitaiu an abridgement of the principal arguments in favor of 
the American cause. I have then given long extracts from the Politi- 
cal Disquisitions by which I prove that tlie Americans have acted 
perfectly right in not submitting to a constitution so degenerate as that 
of England, a case which, according to Mr. Hutcheson, authorises the 
colonies to provide for their own security. After all this I have 
further inserted a passage from the Si/stem of Moral Philosophy (Vol. 2. 
pag. 273) to give an idea of the extent which this author (whose char- 
acter I have delineated in a note, from Mr. Leechman's portrait of 
him) has allowed to the rights of the people beyond those of their 
governors. I have likewise added a sentence respecting the danger 
a people is exposed to, of being sooner or latter oppress'd by their 
own magistrates, if they do not share in the government by such 
an assembly of representatives as you have reipiired in order to form 
a good government (an opinion not in the least understood in this 
country, where the most zealous patriots always seek for liberty in an 
aristocracy). I have given another sentence respecting the effects of 
this doctrine upon the repose of civil socii-ty, tlie war-horse of all the 
protectors of absolute power, — and I have closed all with explaining 
the end I had in view in translating this second piece, making no diffi- 
culty in declaring, that wlialerer may he its success I shall always esteem 
it honorable and glorious to have, so openly and in the quality of a magis- 
trate, protected the cause of the Americans, which /shall erer consider 
as the cause of all mankind. 

The liberty which I have taken in retrenching the Additional Obser- 
rations will I hope meet with your approbation when you are informed 
that the known taste of the generality of my readers led me to think 
that this might be done without injuring the work, or the effects I 
wish'd it to produce ; at least. Sir, I beg you w' not be offended at it. 
Upon this plan I have omitted almost all the second part. On the con- 
trary I have only left out of the third part from pag. 125 to pag. 146 
inclusive. Very few here trouble themselves with political ceconomy, 
and those who apply themselves to this kinil of stmly have alreaily 
read you in English, for which reason I thought it w'' not be improper 
to proceed as I have done. 

With regard to the collection of pikces relating to a Memorial 
vvhi(!li I presented in the month of February last to the Assembly 
of the Estates of Overyssel concerning tlu^ preservation of thi' fund a- 

1 How charmed sli'' I be to have some correspondence with this worthy man. 
If you could possibly, Sir, procure it for me, yo\i w* afford me a sensible 
pleasure. My situation is truly deplorable in lieini; olilifjed to seek for true 
|)atriots out of my own country, where I am considered and treated as a persim 
auatheniatizud. 



59 

mental laws of our constitution (if it be allowed that we have one !) 
and a copy of which I have the honor of presenting to you ; it owes 
its publication to the indiscretion of some persons who circulated, 
under hand, copies of a speech which I was obliged to make at the 
Assembly the 27"" of March when they persisted in refusing me a place 
in their Journals for the Memorial in question, and in making it a 
subjec't of deliberation. My patience was piish'd to an extreme. I 
thought I had just reason to complain of the unworthy manner in 
which I had been every way treated. I avail'd myself, therefore, of 
this opportunity freely to retrace all the hardships I had suffer'd for 
having dared to say those things, during the deliberations on ceding the 
Scotch brigade, which I should have thought a crime to hare been silent 
upon ; and it is thus that this speech (which you will find in the 
6"" pag. of the Collection, and which I have not written with the 
design of having it perpetuated, but only to be master of my own 
expressions) is connected to the Memorial above-mentioned (which you 
will see at the end of this Collection, &c.) and to my preface on the 
Observations on Civil Liberty. 

I dare say, Sir, that you have some friend who understands Dutch, 
and who can give you an account of many particulars, which I cannot 
enter upon without falling into the terms of a translation, and which 
would not indeed be my business. I really write in no other language 
than my maternal one. Tlie little I know of any other has been 
acquired by reading, and I have only read for my amusement, without 
having ever foreseen that I sh'' be called upon to appear in |)ublic. I 
can therefore assure you. Sir, that I am become a politician against 
my will. 

Monsieur Van Effen, the Minister of the Dutch Church in Lomlou, 
with whom I suppose you are acquainted, will recollect, perhaps, that 
he knew me at the University of Utrecht, and may be able to give you 
any information you can wish for. In this case I beg you would pre- 
sent him with my respects. 

I hope, Sir, that the warm expressions, which are the effects of 
a patriotic fire you cannot condemn, and which I have made use of in 
this Memorial with regard to your nation, in treating of the wrongs 
which I think mine has received on many occasions, will be no obsta- 
cle to an acquaintance which I have long wished to cultivate, and 
which I should rejoice to make the foundation of a friendship that 
I shall endeavor to merit with an ardor proportioned to the high idea I 
have of your talents, but above all of your character, and with which 
I have the honor to be, in asking your pardon for having tired you with 
a letter whose enormous length makes ine blush. 

Sir, your very humble and very obed' serv'. 

J : D : Van Dek Capellen. 



60 

P. S. Should you be pleased to honor me with an answer, tlie 
following is my address. It is not that I live at Rotterdam. IMy 
residence is at Zwol, a city of my Province. But Mous' Valck will 
take care to convey whatever shall be address'd to me. 

" Monsieur le liaron Van Der Cape/Inn, Seigneur du Pol, Merahru 
du Corps des Nobles de la Province d'Overyssel. a Rotterdam chez 
Monsieur Valck sur Le Leuvenhave." 



CHARLES CHAUNCY To RICHAUn PRICE. 

Boston, May 20th, 1779. 
Rev" and dear Sir, — As the Hon''" M' Temple is going to 
Holland, and may have it in his power to convey a letter to you w"* 
safety, I could not excuse myself from writing by so favorable an op- 
portunity. What I have in view is to assure you, that the situation of 
our public affairs is not as has been represented by Governor Johnson 
and the Conunissioners sent w''' him to America. They were confined 
to Phila(lel[)hia and New- York the whole time of tlieir continuance here, 
and had, nor could have had, no other information respecting the Con- 
gress, or the circumstances of these states, than what they received from 
British officers, and refugees who had taken part w"" them. The minis- 
try therefore could, by their accounts, have no true knowledge of the 
state of things in this part of the world ; and so far as they miglit be 
disposed to act upon principles grounded on these accounts, they 
must act upon the foot of misrepresentation, not to say direct falsehood. 
Governor .Johnson by his conduct while here has proved himself to be 
nothing better than a ministerial tool, and is universally held in con- 
tempt. By his speeches in Parliament relative to America, he appears 
to have known nothing of its real state, or to have given a notoriously 
wrong representation of it. A very great part of what he delivered 
there, as we have had it in the nevvspa|)ers, is wholly beside the truth, 
and indisputably so. We pity the man, but much more the ministry in 
giving so much credit to his accounts as in any measure to govern their 
conduct by it. 'Tis indeed acknowledged, our paper-currency has 
sunk in its value to a great degree, w'''' has occasioned the price of the 
necessaries of life to rise to an enormous height ; but this has not been 
disadvantagious to us coUectively considered. None have suffered on 
this account but salary men, those who depended on the value and in- 
terest of their money for a subsistence, and the poor among us. As to 
the rest, whether merchants, farmers, manufacturors, tradesmen, and 
day-laborers, the rise of their demands has all along been in proportion 
to the depreciation of the currency and the rise of ihe necessaries of 



61 

life thereupon. It may seem strange, but 'tis a certain fact, that the 
American States, notw"'staniling the vast depreciation of tlieir paper 
currency, and the excessive high price of provisions of all kinds, are 
richer now in reality, and not in name only, than they ever were in any 
former period of time, and they are much better able to carry on the 
war than when they began it. One great fault they are justly charge- 
able w'\ It is this; they have almost universally been too attentive to 
the getting of gain, as there have been peculiar temptations hereto since 
the commencement of the present contest. They would otherwise, I 
have no doubt, have cleared the land of British troops long before this 
time; and nothing is now wanting (under the smiles of Providence) to 
effect this, but such exertions of the King's forces as would generally 
alarm H.he country. There would then appear a sufficiency of strength 
to do by them as was done by Burgoin and his army. While they suf- 
fer themselves to be, as it were, imprisoned in New-York and Rhode- 
island, and go not forth unless to steal sheep and oxen and plunder 
and burn the houses of poor innocent people by surprize, it makes no 
great noise here, whatever, by pompous exaggeration, it may do in 
London. Our people want only to be roused, it would then be seen 
what they could do. I may add here, our freeholders and farmers, by 
means of the plenty of paper money have cleared themselves of debts, 
and got their farms enlarged and stocked beyond what they could other- 
wise have done, and rather than give up their independency, or lose 
their liberties, would go forth to a man in defence of their country, and 
would do it like so many lyons. The British administration hurt them- 
selves more than they do us as a people by continuing the war, and 
they must bring it to a conclusion, or they will ruin themselves instead 
of us. The longer they protract the war, the more difficult it will he 
to obtain such terms of peace as they might have had, and perhaps may 
still have. These States will soon lose that little confidence they may 
now place in the British ministry. None of the minority in Parliament 
have a worse opinion of them than is generally entertained hei'e. A 
valuation of the Massachusetts-State has lately been made in order 
to its being properly layed ; and 'tis found, notw"'standing the vast 
number of cattle w'' have been slain for the army, as well as inhabi- 
tants, that they are more numerous now than in any period of time since 
the settlement of the country. In the County of AVorcester only, w°'' 
w'Mn my remembrance had but a very few inhabitants, there appears 
to have been more than fourty thousand head of cattle, and sheep in 
proportion. No longer ago than the year 1721 I rode thro' Worcester, 
now as well and largely inhabited a town as almost any in this State, 
and it was in as perfectly wilderness a condition as any spot between 
Boston and Canada, not an house or inhabitant to be seen there. I 
have mentioned this only to point out to you the internal source of pro- 



62 

vision we have, should the w;ir be continued ever so long. But I may 
not enlarge. 

Your good friend Mr. Professor Wintrop died about 12 days ago. 
I am also grown infirm as well as old, and very unable to write, for w'^'' 
reason you will excuse the blots, as well as almost illegible writing of 
the present letter ; for I could not traQscribe it to send it to you. 

If I sh'' live to see a settled state of things, I will, if I sh'' have 
strength, write you very largely upon our affairs. I am with all due 
respect, 

Your friend and humble serv'. 

\_No sigimture .'\ 

P. S. Congress are as firmly united as ever in their attachment to 
the liberties and independence of America, and the people place as 
intire confidence in them as from the beginning, notw"'standing all that 
Johnson and the other commissioners ridiculously (to me) endeavour to 
make people believe on your side the water. And notw"'standing the 
depreciation of our currency, and the high price of provisions, the 
people are more averse than ever to submission to Great Britain, and 
would rather die than come into it. Mr. Temple ' has been from New 
York to Boston, and from Boston to Philadelphia, and from Philadel- 
phia back again to Boston. He went thro' most of the more populous 
towns between these two places, and as he had opportunity of seeing 
and conversing w"' the first and best gentlemen we have in these States, 
he can, should he go to England, give you a more just and true account 
of our |)olitical affairs than you have yet had. And I believe vou may 
depend upon his giving you an honest account of things among us. 



EARL OF SHELBURNE To RICHARD PRICE. 

BowooD I'ARK, 7"; Octob', 1784. 
My dear Friend, — I take the earliest opportunity of acquainting 
you that I hope I have found in the Anabaptist preacher at Calne a 
person capable of forwarding the schemes I had regarding the poor. He 
is a man of an excellent private character, of a serious disposition, and 
has a manner of preaching and lecturing which takes I find with many 
of 'different sects who have been to hear him, without bordering even 
u|)on Methodism. It will be a great comfort to me, if he answers the 
purpose. The difficulty of finding a teacher shews the want there is of 
teaching, and 1 can never reconcile myself to living in the midst of so 
great a number of my fellow creatures, who are to my own knowledge 
more neglected in point of education and religion than they would be 

' Afterwiird Sir ,Iolm 'IVniple, sciii-iii-liiw of Govc-nior Bciwiloin. — Eds. 



63 

under any government in Europe, except it may he Russia. I have 
tlioughts of adopting the Chatechism you sent me of D' Watts, but I 
wish it still shorteu'd and simpliMed. I should be very glad that at 
any leisure time you could look it over with this view. My idea is to 
inculcate the ordinary duties of a country life under the hope of reward 
and fear of punisliment in the plainest and most direct language possi- 
ble. I will take the liberty of sending you the other particulars of our 
plan, as soon as we shall be able to compleat it. 

I take it for granted that you have seen the edict just now pnblish'd 
in F' ranee adopting your principles into their finance, as far as comes 
within the power of their government, without overturning the princi- 
ples of it. If you have not, I can send it to you. I likewise see they 
have establish'd free ports, and are likewise taking several other veiy im- 
portant steps which mark their foresight, activity and wisdom. It 's 
very mortifying at the same tim(i to see our time spent with faction, and 
the impression whicii our misfortunes made upon us turn'd to no ac- 
count. I know no more of what is passing in London than I do of 
what is doing at Constantinople, but I hope Government is forming 
some vigorous plan of finance and regulations of trade, which may 
bring back some of our wealth, excite a fresh spirit of industry, and 
check tile disposition universally gaining ground to dissipation and cor- 
ruption. I am in daily expectation of seeing the Abbe Morellet here, 
who takes the opportunity of L'' Fitzmaurice's return to make us 
another visit. It would give Lady Shelburne and me great pleasure 
if you could spend some days with him here, but 1 have too much 
respect and i-egard for M" Price to think of proposing it. I beg to be 
kindly remeraber'd to her. 

I am with sincere regard y' affec'" and oblig'' h'"''' ser', 

Shei.hurnh. 



WILMAM HAZLITTi TO RICHARD PRICE. 

DuAR Silt, — I have wished to write to you almost every week, 
since my first arrival in this country, but was restrained by this consid- 
eration, that I had nothing satisfactory to communicate respecting my- 
self. The same reason might still induce me to throw away my paper. 
But I can no longer deny myself the satisfaction of addressing you. 

I can convey to you no intelligence, concerning the civil and political 
state of this country, which has not already reached you from other 
hands. 

1 An English clergyman of Irish parentage, father of tlie essayist. He spent' 
three or four years in this country, and then went back to England, wliere lie 
died in 1820. See 5 Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. ii. pp. 368, o70, 371 ; vol. iii. p 168; 
Ij Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. iv. pp. 274, 275, 28.0, 308. — Eds. 



64 

I learn, that you express a wish, in your letter to Mr. Clark, that the 
subject of Dr. Chauncy's book had never been started at Boston, appre- 
hensive of its unpromising influence upon the morals of the peo|)le.' 
But I believe it will have an effect contrary to what you imagine. 
There is another doctrine circulating in this country, and received with 
great avidity by many persons, whicii the Doctor's book will have a 
tendency to overthrow. The doctrine, I mean, is published in different 
places, and with greater success than could be supposed, by one Murray, 
a man of some popular talents, and a disciple of Reiely's of London. - 
This reference will fully acquaint you what this doctrine is. 

In twenty or thirty years, there will probably be here as much 
freedom of thinking upon religious subjects as there is at present 
amoncrst the Dissenters in England. Dr. Mayhew, with the noble 
spirit of a man conscious of the dignity and importance of truth, led 
the way to this. The late war, which helped to dissolve the attachment 
of the people to their old systems, afforded some others an opportunity 
of pursuing it. The majority of the Boston ministers, and a great 
number of those who are dispersed through the country, are already 
Arians, but are yet generally afraid to avow their sentiments. I am 
very acceptable as a preacher in this part of America, and have some 
dark prospect of a settlement. Dr. Chauncy, and many others, treat 
me with great civility and friendship. Your favourable mention 
of me to the Doctor, in your ne.vt letter, would do me an essential 
service. I am afraid thai that busy bigot Dr. Gordon endeavours 
to injure me. 

You have been told, I presume, by others, that I lived a considerable 
time at Philadelphia, and how I succeeded there, and that I was seized 
with a fever in Maryland last year, which rendered me useless, whilst 
I was groaning under a great expence, almost six months. 

If you have any enquiries to make concerning America in general, 
or any part of it in particular, I will endeavour to give you all the 
satisfaction in my power. 

In the mean time, I wish greatly to know tlie complexion of the 
times, and the whole state of things amongst you. 

When you have leisure to favour me with a line, be pleased to direct 
to me to the care of the Revd. Mr. Latrop, Boston. 

Wishing you all happiness that can be possibly enjoyed, in this 

1 The reference is to Dr. Chauncy's well-known work, printeil in Lon<lon in 
1781, entitled " The Mystery hid from Ages and Generations, nnnle nLinifest by 
tlie Gospel-Revelation : or, the Salvation of all Men the prand thing aimed at in 
the .Scheme of God, as opened in the New Testament Writings, and entrusted 
witli Jesns Christ to bring into Effect." — Ki>s. 

- .James Kelly. See Dictionary of National liiography, vol. .\lviii. pp. 7, b. 
— Eds. 



65 

world, and that better world, which is approachiug, I am, dear Doctor, 
with the utmost esteem and affection, your often obliged and very 
humble servant, 

W. Hazlitt. 
Boston, 19 Octr., 1784. 



JOHN WHEELOCKi TO RICHARD PRICE. 

Dartmodth College, 25th January, 1785. 

Dear Sir, — I deferred writing till this time to give you the satis- 
faction of knowing that your donation arrived yesterday in safety, of 
which some time since an account was received in your obliging letter 
of July 25th. The Trustees desire that their mo.st sincere thanks may 
be accepted. The books will be preserved in the library as a monu- 
ment of virtue, patriotism, and a system of political oeconomy. What 
a contradiction of scenes, my dear Sir, does the theatre of human life 
display! what guides in philosophy and jurisprudence, but how few 
followers! Eminent lessons of civil policy are acknowledged by all, 
while in republics most are attached (and ostensibly too) to the interest 
of themselves or their party. In regard to the last these States have 
three happy barriers. Equality of property, especially in the north, 
prevents the idea of undue influence; being without a redundancy of 
wealth the people have no leasure for partial combinations ; while the 
spirit of industry and gain triumphs over the spirit of faction. 

I am sorry that the indisposition of your lady continues. May nature 
in the hand of God afford a better remedy than the art of physic. The 
pains of our friends excite commiseration, and sometimes an an.\iety, 
which even rouses the stoic from his apathy, and much more moves the 
heart of a true humane philosopher. 

The College is in a prosperous way ; and I cannot but hope that, 
under a divine providence, the wishes of the good respecting it will be 
greatly answered. 

I am much obliged. Sir, by your kind attention to Mr. Rowland's 
plan. It is needless to say how much we should have valued the 
strictures and emendations of so great a judge. History is subjected to 
that uncertainty which proceeds from ignorance, inattention, or preju- 
dice, large sources of error. And, the farther we trace back the annals, 
the greater is the doubt. This operates as to facts, but more strongly 
as to dates. But I will desist, before my pen misguides me too far, by 

1 Second President of Dartmouth College. He was born in Lebanon. Connec- 
ticut, Jau. 28, 1754, became President of the College in 1779, and died in Han- 
over, New Hampsliire, April 4, 1817. — Ens. 

6 



66 

only beging that you would accept of the highest regard and esteem 
for yourself and your works of a very respectful friend. 
I am, Sir, 

Your most obliged, obedient and humble servant, 

J'"' Whkelock. 



BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO RICHARD PRICE. 

1'assv, Feb. 1, 1785. 

My dear Friend, — I received duly your kind letter of Oct. 21, and 
another before with some of your e.tcellent pamphlets of Advice to the 
United States. My last letters from America inform me that every thing 
goes ou well there ; that the new elected Congress is met, and consists of 
very respectable characters with excellent dispositions ; and the people 
in general very happy under their new governments. The last year 
has been a prosperous one for the country ; the crops plentiful and sold 
at high prices for exportation, while all imported goods, from the great 
plenty, sold low. This is the happy consequence of our commerce 
being open to all the world, and no longer a monopoly to Britain. 
Your papers are full of our divisions and distresses, which have no 
existence but in the imaginations and wishes of English newswriters 
and their employers. 

I sent you sometime since a little piece intilled, Testament de M. 
Fortune Ricard, which exemplifies strongly and pleasantly your doc- 
trine of the immense powers of compound interest. I hope you ri- 
ceiv'd it. If not, I will send you another. I send herewith a new 
work of M' Necker's on the Finances of France. You will find good 
things in it, particularly his chapter on War. I imagine Abbe Morellet 
may have sent a copy to Lord Lan.sdowne. If not, please to com- 
municate it. I think I sent you formerly his Conte rendu. This work 
makes more talk here than that, tho' that made abundance. I will not 
say that the writer thinks higher of himself and his abilities than they 
deserve, but I wish for his own sake that he had kept such sentiments 
more out of sight. 

With unalterable esteem and respect, I am ever, my dear Friend, 
Yours most affectionately, 

IJ. Franklin. 



THOMAS JEFFERSON TO RICHARI> PRICEi 

Paiiis, Fob. 1, 1785. 
Sir, — The copy of your Observations on the American Revolution 
which you were so kind as to direct to me came duly to hand, and I 

' A short extract from this letter is printeil in Miss Williams's "Welsh 
Family." — Eds. 



should sooner have acknowledged the receipt of it but that I awaited 
a private conveiance for my letter, having experienced much delay and 
uncertainty in the posts between tliis place and London. I have read 
it with very great pleasure, as have done many others to whom I have 
communicated it. The spirit which it breathes is as affectionate as the 
observations themselves are wise and just. I have no doubt it will be 
reprinted in America and produce much good there. The want of 
power in the federal liead was early perceived, and foreseen to be the 
Haw in our constitution which might endanger its destruction. I have 
the pleasure to inform you that when I left America in July the people 
were becoming universally sensible of this, and a spirit to enlarge the 
powers of Congress was becoming general. Letters and other informa- 
tion recently received shew that this has continued to increase, and that 
they are likely to remedy this evil effectually. The happiness of gov- 
ernments like ours, wherein the people are truly the mainspring, is 
that they are never to be despaired of. When an evil becomes so 
glaring as to strike them generally, they arrouse themselves, and it 
is redressed. He only is then the popular man and can get into 
office who shews the best dispositions to reform the evil. This truth 
was obvious on several occasions during the late war, and this charac- 
ter in our governments saved us. Calamity was our best pliysician. 
Since the peace it was observed that some nations of Europe, counting 
on the weakness of Congress and the little probability of a union in 
measure among the States, were proposing to grasp at unequal advan- 
tages in our commerce. The people are become sensible of this, and 
you may be assured that this evil will be immediately redressed, and 
redressed radically. I doubt still whetlier in this moment they will 
enlarge those powers in Congress which are necessary to keep the peace 
among the States. I think it possible that this may be suffered to 
lie till some two States commit hostilities on each other, but in that 
moment the hand of the union will be lifted up and interposed, and 
the people will themselves demand a general concession to Congress 
of means to prevent similar misclieifs. Our motto is truly '' nil des- 
perandum.'' The apprehensions you exj)ress of danger from the want 
of powers in Congress, led me to note to you this character in our 
governments, which, since the retreat behind the Delaware, and the 
capture of Charlestown, has kept my mind in perfect quiet as to the 
ultimate fate of our union ; and I am sure, from the spirit which 
breathes thro your book, that whatever promises permanence to that 
will be a comfort to your mind. I have the honour to be, with very 
sincere esteem and respect. Sir, 

Your most obedient and most humble serv'. 

Th: Jefferson. 



68 



JONATHAN JACKSUN' TO KICHARD I'KICE. 

Boston, S'" Aug*', 1785. 
Dear Sir,— After a short passage iu the month of May I had the 
pleasure to find my family and friends all well. INIy chest and other 
baggage which I had ordered from Hristol to Cork did not reach there 
before I embarked, and coming without them I came without the last 
packets you entrusted to my care for several of your friends here ; 
this disappointment to them may be attended I hope with no great 
inconvenience to you. I mentioned to Dr. Chauncy and to President 
Willard that if I recollected right you had charged me with a packet to 
each of them ; the direction of the others I have forgot. My chest, 
&c., have not yet come from Cork, but I expect them by the first vessel. 
When 1 left London 1 had to travel by land thro a considerable part 
of England and Ireland, or I would have found a place iu my portman- 
teau for your packets. The late edition of your pamphlet which you 
did me the honor to send me just before my departure, I handed to our 
new Governor, Mr. Bowdoin, for his i)erusal and he lately returned it 
nie with thanks, being much i)leased with the additions you have made 
to the last. Our people iu the late choice of their Governor have 
discovered a discernment which does tiiem credit ; we have a good 
deal to expect from his prudence and his integrity. The complection 
of our affairs in general, of our commerce iu particular, is gloomy 
enough. I wish to see less connection with youi' country iu the way 
of traffic, in the ini|iortation at least of unneces.sary and useless arti- 
cles, and more connection in friendly intercourse and good otSces, 
provided your administration becomes well managed and we can meet 
you upon equal terms and to mutual benefit. The appointment by 
Congress of a Minister to your Court, I hope will soon be followed by 
a like appointment from you to us ; such measures will lead more than 
any other to restore harmony and an association of interests between 
the two countries, and which I am persuaded might be made highly 
beneficial to both. The appointment of Mr. Adams which is here con- 
sidered a very judicious one, 1 hope may .soon lead to a liberal treaty 
of commerce, which may give to this country greater facility in paying 
the debts already contracted with yours, tho' in some instances they 
were injudiciously contracted on both sides, the like of which it is to 
be hoped will not soon again take place, but such a treaty will also 
tend to soften the minds of people here and remove prejudices on 

' Jonathan Jackson was born in Boston, June 4, 1743, graduated at Ilarvanl 
College in 1761, and became a merchant. He was treasurer of Massachusetts 
from 1802 to 1800. and treasurer of the College from 1807 to his death. He died 
in Boston Marcli 5, 1810. See Appleton's Cyclopaidia of American Biography, 
vol. iii. p. .'580. —Eds. 



69 

botli sides, which the sooner the\ are done away will the sooner bring 
us to such good offices as to forget we have quarrelled, and that so 
foolishly. 

W/ien our foederal government will be reinforced and braced up so 
as better to answer the purposes of its institution it is impossible to 
tell; the conviction seems to be general that something is needed, 
but what from an ill founded jealousy, as I think, of delegating too 
much power to the supreme head, and from a supposition of contrary 
interests in the different States, not so well founded, if we are to 
make one Republic, and that a respectable one, nothing yet is matured, 
and I fear it will be some time before any thing effectual is done. 
Necessity however must finally lead to it. A reform such as might 
be projected for a supreme legislative, judicial and executive to manage 
the foederal union, or rather I would say to manage our large family, 
dropping the distinction of separate sovereignties, by which reform 
an equal representation might now be introduced and always kept up, 
and such a representation is perhaps a sine qua uon to the continuance 
of liberty under anj' government, — this, and perhaps one more reform 
in our manners or rather fashions only, that of confining ourselves to 
an uniform habit throout our republic, changed only as the seasons 
change, we being subject thro all our climates in some measure to both 
extremes of heat and cold, these alone, it appears to me, would secure 
to us peace, liberty and happiness, as far as societies can enjoy it to- 
gether. The last mentioned reform would cut off one half, if not 
more, of the useless fopperies we import from Europe, and for which 
we make ourselves slaves to that country. It would not only abate the 
attention of the younger part of the community, at least to what are 
the greatest trifles in nature, and which fixes in many of them trifling 
habits all their lives perhaps, but it would in time, if not immediately, 
lead to a reform in sentiments and manners very beneficial to our forms 
of government. But these reveries of the closet and the pillow can 
seldom be introduced into practice ; this I have been obliged to learn 
several years since and that one must only indulge themselves in them 
among their friends. 

I wished to see your friend Mr. J. H. Brown before I left England, 
and called for that purpose one of the last days I was in London, but 
was not fortunate enough to meet him. I hope that he gave himself no 
uneasiness that I did not meet Mr. Pitt. I daresay it was no fault of 
Mr. Brown's, and that the Minister's engagements were such then, what 
with Irish affairs and a Parliamentary Reform, he had no time to attend 
to less concerns, as he might think those which related to America to 
be ; for your Administration since the Earl of Shelburne quitted it 
have at least affected to hold us in an unimportant and diminutive 
light, a strange reverse of what was held up to the nation of our 



70 

importance when they were endeavouring to subjugate us. It might 
have been perhaps no disservice to me personally to have seen Mr. 
Pitt or some of your Administration while I remained in England, pro- 
vided a communication and free intercourse should ever again take place 
between our two countries, and any supi)lies should be needed from 
hence for your fleets or forces which may at any time be stationed in 
our neighbourhood at Nova Scotia or Newfoundland, more especially if 
the same Administration should continue, as I think it would not have 
been difficult for me while in England, and might not now be, to give 
them full assurance that my partner, Mr. Iligginson, and myself had as 
many facilities to serve them, and would do it as faithfully as they 
might find any others here to do it. The gloomy appearance here of 
commerce in general leads me to seek some such safe business, if I 
could find it, to provide for a large and increasing family, it having 
been the business I was bred to. In the mercantile phrase our firm 
is — Jackson & Higginson, at Boston. We are both well known to 
Mr. Adams whom I have no doubt if enquired of, would affirm to 
our rep[ut]ations being fair. I made an acquaintance last year with 
Mr. S. Smith, Member of Parliament who lives in Bloumsbury Square, 
and with whom I flatter myself that I left some favourable impressions. 

Should affairs between us be coming round in the accommodating 
way and any public contracts or commissions for supplies should be sent 
this way, if you, my good Sir, when you may be in the Ministers closet, 
which I suppose is sometimes the case, should see no impropriety in it, 
and could just drop our names as fit persons here, it may essentially 
serve me, and I dare aver as a man of truth and honor that no one here 
shall more faithfully do any business of the kind mentioned if com- 
mitted to us than Mr. Higginson and myself, a reasonable commission 
or allowance being made us for our trouble. My expectations are not 
very sanguine that such accommodations will come round as to lead to 
any opening of this kind, and still less but that other seekers more im- 
portunate and greater favourites will get the employ I have turned 
your attention to. You will therefore ple-ase to excuse my taking up 
your time upon a matter so little promising. 

I should be much gratified if your correspondents are not already 
too numerous to have your communications, now and then as your 
leisure will permit, upon such speculative subjects as you think may be 
useful! to our rising Slates, or upon any movements in the political line 
which are taking place, or like to, and which have a veivv to us. I am 
sensible this is asking almost too much of a man whose daily labours 
must be considerable in his own profession, and upon whom the public 
has learnt to make so great claims. If I request too much you must 
not hesitate to refuse me. 

I wish that Heaven may continue your health and usefulness and re- 



71 

store that of Mrs. Price's ; tho' personally unknowu to her please to 
present my respects to her and to the lady who presided at your table 
when I had the pleasure of being there. 

Your friend Dr. Chauncy appears to be in good health for an old 
gentleman past eighty ; he complains however of having arrived to his 
second dotage, and perhaps he is not mistaken, for he has been lately, 
since my return, paying his addresses to a widow of forty, to whom be 
would have given his hand had not she and her friends been possessed 
of more discretion. This communication is to excite you to a little 
merriment. 

I am, as I left England, with warm impressions of your favourable 
attentions to me while there, with great respect and esteem, my good 
Sir, . 

Your sincere friend and obliged servant, 

Jon" Jackson. 

Kev"' Doct' R. Price. 



EDWARD WIGGLESWORTH TO JOSEPH WILLARD. 

Cambridge, October 6"', 1785. 

Rev" Sir, --As the ministers in this Commonwealth, and the Presi- 
dent and Professors of the University in this place, have had it in 
contemplation, for some time past, to establish a fund for granting 
annuities to their widows ; and as they have a bill now pending in the 
General Court for incorporating a Society to conduct the .same, I thought 
it would be a matter of some importance to them to determine with as 
much accuracy as possible, 

" Whether the ministers. President and Professors are subjected to 
the same rate of mortality, which pervades the whole body of the 
people in any place, where regular Bills of Mortality have been kept." 

The employments and mode of living of the ministers. President and 
Professors expose them to those diseases which are peculiar to per- 
sons leading sedentary and contemplative lives ; at the same time that 
they exempt them from others to which different classes of the people 
from their particular occupations are incident. How far the situation 
of the clergy is favourable or prejudicial to health and life, can be 
determined only by comparing the rate of their mortality with the rate 
of mortality amongst the body of the people, in all the various clas.«e8 
in society. And till this is done, it will be a matter of great uncertaint}', 
how far any tables already calculated from any Bills of Mortality, will 
be applicable to the purposes of such a Society. For I do not find any 
of the Reverend Doctor Price's Tables, formed from such a class 
of men. 



12 



Had there been kept, for a century past, an exact register of the 
ages of the ministers at the time of their decease, the rate of their 
mortality might have been determined with the greatest precision. But 
as our ancestors were not apprised of the importance of such registers, 
this hath not been done. For this reason some other method must bo 
taken to determine the point. 

The method which appears to me tlie most likely to effect it with the 
greatest possible exactness is, by endeavouring to trace out the rate of 
mortality among those persons who have received the honours of the 
University. 

Upon reviewing the catalogue of graduates, for this purpose, it 
appears that 2400 persons had been admitted to them from 1711 to the 
year 1784 inclusive; of whom 1342 were alive at the republication 
of it in 1785 ; namely, 



from 1711 to 1720 - 156 persons were 
graduated 
1721 - 1730 -.371 . 
1731 - 1740-315 . 
1741 - 1750-261 . 
1751 - 1760-306 
1761 - 1770-436 . 
1771 - 1780-419 . 
1781 - 1784- 136 . 



5 of whom were living, at the 

Commencement in 1785. 

57 

97 

134 

205 

347 

366 

131 



2400 



1342 



As the number of graduates has been different in different years, it 
will be necessary to reduce to the same standard the classes of the 
several divisions in the above distribution of the catalogue. To this 
end some number must be assumed as the radix of the calculation ; 
which number may be taken at j^leasure. But for rendering the calcu- 
lation as easy as possible, 100 has been assumed as the radix of it. 
Of consequence the following computations are made on supposition 
that 100 persons have annually received the honours of the University. 

On this supposition the proportion of the living in any period into 
which the catalogue has been distributed, to the whole number of 
graduates in the same period, may be determined by theorem 1"'. 

Let n = the numbers of years in any period. 

G = the number of graduates in the same period. 
H = the number of them still living. 
R = the radix of the calculation. 

L = the number that would have been living, had each class 
consisted of 100 graduates or the radix. 



Then, 

Theorem 1" As G : H : : Rn' : L. — Hence it is evident that the 



proportions are as follows, 



In the 1°' period, As Rn = 1000 

2°'' 1000 

3'" 1000 

4"' 1000 

5'" lOOO 

6"' 1000 

T"- 1000 

8"' 400 



32 
153 
308 
513 
670 
795 
873 
385 



From these elements, the probahility of the continuance, the decre- 
ment and the expectation of tiie lives of the Cambridge graduates, may 
be calculated by the following theorems. 

Let II and L be as before. And m — the radix in the first instance ; 
afterwards = the number of graduates living in the year immediately 
preceeding the period, of which the ratio of the annual decrement of 
life is sought. 

Theorem 2°''. = r = the ratio of the annual decrement of 

life, supposing the decrement equal 

in each year of the period. 

Theorem 3'^. ra — nr = N = the number of graduates living of the 

standing required. 

For m — r = the number of them in the first year of the period : 

m — 2r = the number of them in the second year. And by 

continuing to subtract the ratio n times, the number 

of them in the n"' year is obtained. 

That expectation of a graduate of any standing may be found by 

Theorem 4"' 

Let N = the number of graduates living of the same standing with 

the person whose expectation is sought. 

P = the sum of all the graduates living of every .standing more 

advanced than that of the person whose expectation is 

required. Then, 

N -f P 
Theorem 4"'. — ^^ .5, or half unity, is equal to the expectation 

sought. 

This is the general rule, given by the Rev'' D' Price, for finding the 
expectations of all single lives by a table of observations. 

The following table is adapted to the radix of 100 graduates, and 
will give the probability, decrement and expectation of their lives, with 
accuracy ; as long as the proportions of the living to the dead, in the 
several periods, remain the same they are at present. 











Tk 


E Table. 




35 


s 


d 
2 




, 


e 


? 


a . 




« 


e 


■s 


« 


£■5 


3 Sf 
11 




1 

M 


£'5 


s ^ 
II 


1 


:Sj 


0)^ 


O 


K 


>-M 


O J 


a 


lailix 


100.0 


1.5 


37.79 


25. 


75.7 


2,0 


]. 


98.6 


1.5 




26. 


73.7 


1.9 


2. 


97.0 


1.5 




27. 


71.8 


1.9 


3. 


95.5 


1.5 




28. 


69.9 


1.9 


4. 


94.0 


1.2 




29. 


68.0 


2.0 


6. 


92.8 


1.2 


35.53 


30. 
31. 


66.0 
64 1 


1.9 
1.9 


6. 


91.6 
90.3 


1.3 
1.1 




32. 
.33. 


62.2 
60.3 


1.9 
2.0 


8- 


89.2 


1.3 




34. 


68.3 


13 


9. 


87.9 


1.2 










10. 


86.7 


1.2 




35. 


57.0 


1.2 


11. 


85.5 


1.3 




36. 


55.8 


1.3 


12. 


84.2 


1.2 




37. 


54.5 


1.3 


13. 


83.0 


1.2 




38. 


53.2 


1.3 


14. 


81.8 


0.4 




39. 


51.9 


1.2 


16. 


81.4 


0.4 


29.85 


40. 

41. 


60.7 

49.4 


1.3 
1.3 


16. 


81.0 


0.6 




42. 


48.1 


1.3 


17. 


80.6 


0.4 




43. 


46.8 


1.2 


18. 


80.1 


0.4 




44. 


45.6 


2.6 


19. 


79.7 


0.4 










20. 


79.3 


0.4 




46. 


43.0 


2.8 


21. 


78.9 


0.4 




46. 


40.2 


2.7 


22. 


78.5 


0.5 




47. 


37.5 


2.7 


23. 


78.0 


0.4 




48 


348 


2.7 


24. 


77.6 


1.9 




49. 


32.1 


2.7 



21.64 



17.15 



10.96 







a 


1 


60. 


29.4 


2.6 




51. 


26.8 


2.7 




52. 


24.1 


2.7 




53. 


21.4 


2.7 




64. 


18.7 


0.6 




55. 


18.1 


0.6 


9.72 


66. 


17.6 


0.7 




67. 


16.8 


0.6 




58. 


16.2 


0.6 




69. 


16.6 


0.6 




60. 


16.0 


0.6 




61. 


14.4 


0.6 




62. 


13.8 


0.7 




63. 


13.1 


0.6 




64. 


12.5 


2.1 




66. 


10.4 


2.0 


2.58 


66 


8.4 


2.1 




67. 


6.3 


1.9 




68. 


4.4 


2.2 




69. 


2.2 


1.9 




70. 


0.3 


0.3 





All that now remains in order to determine, whether the ministers, 
President and Professors are subjected to the same rate of mortality 
which pervades the whole body of the people in any place where 
regular Bills of Mortality have been kept will be, to fiud the mean age 
of the Harvard graduates, at the time of their commencing Bachelors 
of Arts. This age, added to their standing, will give their mean ages. 
And by comparing the expectation corresponding to the mean ages of 
the graduates, with the expectation of a person of the same age in 
D' Price's Tables, we shall get a solution of the question under 
consideration. 

For this end I have carefully examined the register of the students 
admitted into the University for seven years, viz. from 1775 to 1781 
inclusive ; and find that their mean age at the time of receiving the 
first honours of the Society is twenty one years. 

Upon comparing the expectation of the Harvard graduates, found by 
this process with the expectations of persons of similar ages in most 
of D' Price's Tables, it appears that the former generally exceed 
the latter in expectation of life. 

How (at this may eflFect the permanency of the Society proposed to 
be established, I am not at present able to determine. Probably, if you 



75 

should submit the matter to the consideration of the Doctor, he would 
do it with more precision than any gentleman among ourselves. 

What appears to me at present most expedient is, that the intended 
Society should take the Doctor's Tables for the whole kingdom of 
Sweden, as the basis of their calculations. The expectation of life is, 
indeed, less in Sweden than among the Harvard graduates. But the 
inconveniencies arising from this cause may, I apprehend, be guarded 
against, by the Society's making the annuities payable to the widows 
subject to a diminution, in case it should hereafter appear from Registers 
of Mortality kept in this country, that the annuities were stated higher 
than the fuuds of the Society would admitt. 

Should you judge it expedient to consult the Doctor on this subject, 
and to ask his opinion on the most efficacious method of making the 
intended Society a permanent one, you have my consent, should you see 
fit, to transmit to him the preceeding observations and calculations 
eitlier in whole or in part. I am with the greatest respect and esteem, 
Reverend Sir, 

Your affectionate friend and humble servant. 

Edward Wigglesworth. 

Revd Joseph Willard, D.D., President of the University and Chairman of 
the Committee of the Convention of Ministers, entrusted with the Care of form- 
ing the Society. 



WILI>IAM HAZLITT TO RICHARD PRICE. 

Dear Sir, — I wrote a short letter to you above a year ago, which, 
I believe, you have received, as the answers I have had to those which 
accompanied it were an evidence that the whole packet arrived safe. 
Notwithstanding some untoward circumstances, I still hope that the 
American Revolution will he finally beneficial to the whole human race. 
I, therefore, wish you to continue your benevolent exertions to melior- 
ate and enlighten this people, and to arouse them to improve and per- 
fect their several forms of government. No man living can influence 
them so much as you. You are furnished, I know, almost every day 
with an ample detail of the state of things here. But you have one 
correspondent, I mean Dr. Rush of Philadelphia, whose information I 
cannot help cautioning you to receive with diffidence. He is the tool 
of a party, whilst his vanity leads him to imagine himself the principal, 
who are labouring to destroy the present constitution of Pensylvania, 
and to introduce in its room one which is in a great measure aristocrat- 
ical, and, in my opinion, very inimical to liberty. He hates Dr. Ewing, 
on account of his superior abilities, and particularly because he is a 
friend to the present constitution, and has fifty times his influence. He 



76 

made a very scurrilous and base attack upon the Doctor, when he was at 
a great distance from Philadelphia, and, what particularly characterises 
him with me, is, that he represented the D' as an iniquitous man, ou 
account of his Catholicism, thiukinff that this measure would effectually 
ruin him with the public. After pretending that he himself was my 
very good friend he, upon mere sus)iicion, proclaimed me a Socinian in 
the news papers and reproached Dr. Ewing as an unprincipled hypo- 
crite, because that he, being a Presbyterian, was affectionately attached 
to me, and had warmly recommended me to be the pastor of a church 
at Carlisle, and the principal of that University. This conduct, so un- 
gentlemanlike with respect to me, and so inconsistent with his own past 
professions of esteem and friendship, and that great assiduity with whicii 
he affected to serve me, disgusted me exceedingly, and made me think 
meanly of him ever since. I was first introduced to Dr. Rush by Mr. 
John Vaughan. He, then, paid me many fulsome compliments, con- 
gratulated the country upon the acquisition of such a man as he said I 
was, told me that he had heard me preach, and that my sentiments 
were too enlarged, and my compositions too elegant for the undiscern- 
ing multitude, but lamented that there were not many such, in the 
country, to cultivate a rational mode of thinking, and to disperse that 
darkness which overspread it. He afterwards talked to me, in the 
same strain, and promised me great things. But when he found that 
there was a popular clamour against me, as the editor of Dr. Priest- 
ley's Appeal, &c., printed at Philadelphia, he coldly told me that he 
was contented with the religion of his ancestors. This declaration 
then lowered him much in my estimation. But still I did not think 
him capable of that subsequent conduct which I mentioned above. Dr. 
Latrop of Boston is as worthy a man as in America.' He is friendly, 
generous, and without guile. On whatever accounts he sends you from 
his own knowledge you may absolutely depend. Dr. Chauncy, you 
know, is thoroughly honest. Hut he takes it for granted that the 
world will continually be growing worse until the consummation of all 
things. Besides, his warm temper frequently leads him into mistakes. 
Mr. Clarke is very sensible and ingenious, whilst he possesses a great 
share of vanity. There are some other intelligent and very worthy minis- 
ters in Boston, particularly Howard, Everitt, and Elliot.'^ The late Dr. 
Mather, though a treasury of valuable historical anecdotes, was as 
weak a man as 1 ever knew.-' He took it for granted, that his last let- 

' Rev. John Latlirop, D.D,, of the SeconJ Cliurcli. — Eds. 

- Rev. Simeon Howard, D.D. , of the West Church; Hev. Oliver Everett, of 
tlie New South Church; and Rev. John Eliot, D.D., of the New North Church. 
— Eds. 

" Rev. Samuel Mather, D.D., son of Cotton Mather, born in Boston Oct. 30. 
1706, graduated at Harvard College in 1723, settled in the niinistrv in 1732, died 
June 27, 1785 — Eus. 



I i 

ter to you would make you a Triuitarian, just as he supposed that his 
last letter to Dr. Larduer made him die of a broken heart. I am sorry 
that the people of England are S(iuaudering away great sums of money, 
in endeavouring to raise Nova Scotia into consequeuce. The old set- 
tlers and the refugees hate one another. The former are removinjj 
here as fast as they can sell their farms. The others are a horribly 
abandoned set, who damn the king and the country, and who are, some 
few excepted, determined to stay no longer there than they are sup- 
ported in idleness by Great Britain, or a permission be granted them to 
return to the United States. I am now by the desire of Mr. Vaughan, 
at Kennebec River, where, according to present appearances, I shall 
probably settle. I wish that you were j'oung enough to think of a 
tour through this continent. Your presence would do much good. I 
am, dear Sir, your very affectionate and humble servant. 

W. Hazi.itt. 

HOLLYWELL, 15 NoV, 1785. 

If you should have leisure to write to me, be pleased to direct to me 
.it Boston, N. England. 



JOHN LATHROP' TO RICHARD I'RICE. 

Boston, March, 1780. 

Rev" Sir, — The two young gentlemen of the name of Lewis whom 
you recommended to my attention were in Boston when your very 
oliliging letter, dated in June last, came to hand. One of them, the 
eldest, has been since doing business in New-London, in Connecticut. 
The other brother went from this town to Nova Scotia, where he had 
accounts to settle, and after he had finished liis business there, he told 
me it was his intention to go to his brother at New-London. 

Those worthy young gentlemen met with some unfriendly treatment 
in this place, at a time when the spirits of the trading part of the people 
were irritated by the operation of British acts of trade, and just at the 
time when a number of our merchants bad their orders sent back unan- 
swered, and their shi[)s without freight. 

It will be easy for you to conceive a number of traders had it in their 
power, and that they would not want a disposition, to raise a clamor 
against those English merchants who resided among us. The news 
papers, which are free enough in this place, were filled with pieces tending 
to irritate and inflame. But I feel happy in reflecting that before your 
letter came to hand, I had seen the young gentlemen and invited them 
to my house, and had used my endeavors to soften the minds of people 

' Minister of the Second Church in Boston, born in Norwich, Connecticut, May 
17, 1740, graduated at Princeton in 1763, died in Boston Jan. 4, 1816. — Eds. 



78 

towards them. Your letter coming to liaiid before the young gentle- 
men left the place gave me suflicient support, and they might have 
tarried in peace as long as they pleased afterwards, had they found 
business could have been done to advantage. 

The state of commerce at present in this country is not favourable to 
adventurers from Europe. The large credit which your merciiants 
gave at the begiimiug of the peace tilled the country with jjoods. The 
operation of several acts of the British legislature respecting commerce 
with America prevented our merchants making remittance in the ways 
they had been used to, and were obliged to send away the cash ; very 
little is now remaining, and a great part of the goods not paid for. 
Bankrupcies are daily taking place ; taxes cannot be collected in suf- 
ficient quantities to support the credit of government. Many who 
loaned their money to Congress or the particular States are put to great 
difficulties, and some who depended on receiving their monies thus 
loaned to answer the demands of creditors on the other side the water 
are brought into the most wretched circumstances. But 1 do not de- 
spair ; I am not discouraged. Good will come out of this evil. Happy 
for us, your merchants will not send out goods, as they have done in 
years past. Our people will be more industerous and I hope more vir- 
tuous. We shall be obliged to apply to our own resources, and learn to 
live with less foreign superfluities and luxuries. If our seaport towns 
do not increase, as we who live in them wo' naturally wish, our inland 
country will be filled with more inhabitants. The wilderness will be 
subdued, and we shall make more speedy advances in strength and real 
wealth than we should if foreign trade was encouraged to the utmost. 

But so short is human life, so uncertain are all things temporal, that 
I often blame myself for being anxious about the wealth and power of 
the people with whom I am connected. The late important revolution, 
I fear, hath in times past too much engaged my attention. My expec- 
tations from new forms of government were too sanguine. We find 
time and experience are necessary to teach us wisdom. Our systems 
are imperfect; but so many States are to be consulted that it is diflicult 
to agree on the necessary amendments. It seems as if suffering were 
necessary to teach us ; happy for us if we learn before the sufferings be 
so great as to break the constitution. 

But while we wish and pray for the peace and happiness of the 
kingdoms and nations of the world, we are looking for a better country, 
even a heavenly ; that we may meet in that better country, and culti- 
vate that acquaintance which, on my part, is began with great pleasure 
with you, Sir, in thin, ia the sincere wish of, Ui^v'' Sir, 

Your atfectionate friend and most humble servant, 

John L.iTiiiun". 

Hev'i I)' Prick. 



JAMES BOWDOINi TO RICHARD PKICE. 

Boston, April 2n(l, 1786. 

Rev" Sik, — In tlie Iclter I had the honour of writing to you some 
months ago, I informed you that a volume of the Memoirs of the 
American Academy was at the press, and that I should take the first 
opportunity of sending you a copy of it. 

It being now finished, I beg the favour of your acceptance of a copy, 
^ch ye ijgyci j)r. Gordon, who is so Isind as to take charge of it, will 
cause to be delivered to you. 

It will be highly acceptable to the Academy to be favoured with 
communications from Dr. Price, especially with such as are the pro- 
duction of his excellent pen. Will you permit the Academy to hope 
for some of them, that their next volume may be rendered valuable by 
y' insertion of them ? 

With sincere regard, I have the honour to be, Rev'' Sir, 

Yr meat obed', hble. serv'. 

James Bowdoin. 



JOSEPH WILLARU2 TO KICHAUI) PRICE 

CAMBRiDeE, April tj, 1786. 

Rev" and dkar Sik, — I this day received your letter of the 23'' 
of March, 178.T, accompanied by three copies of the second edition of 
your tract, addressed to the United States, one of which I have de- 
livered to Professor Williams, agreeably to your desire. I am much 
obliged to you for this new instance of your politeness and friendship. 

I wish my country may profit by your advice in all respects. My 
greatest fear is for our national credit. However, I think the prospect 
is now pretty fair for the Congress being furnished with the means of 
paying the interest upon the public debt, and gradually sinking the prin- 
cipal, as all but one State, as I hear, have granted the impost, &c., recom- 
mended to them ; and I think that State will not venture long to 
impede the measures of the other twelve and hazard the Confederation. 

When I suggested the hint of the donation from Dr. Priestley, I 
knew that his publications were numerous ; but from this very circum- 
stance I supposed that he would be the more able to make it to the 

' First President of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, and vvlien 
this letter was written Governor of Massachusetts. He was born in Boston 
Aug. 7, 1726, graduated at Harvard College in 174.5, and died in his native town 
Nov. 6, 1790. — Eds. 

'■" Joseph Willard was born in Biddeford, Maine, Jan. 9, 1738 ; graduated at 
Harvard College in 1765; became President of the College in 1781, which office 
he held until his death, at New Bedford, Sept. 25, 1804. — Eds. 



80 

University, as I presumed he must have made something handsome 
to himself by his works. However, I find by your letter that " he 
is by no means rich"; and I would not wish anything from him that 
would in the least straiten him. 

I have sent you by Dr. Gordon, who is so kind as to take the 
charge of this letter, a volume of the first fruits of the American Acad- 
emy of Arts and Sciences, which I beg your acceptance of as a token of 
my sincere esteem and friendship. I wish it may in any measure 
answer your expectations. In this new country, the materials for such 
a work cannot be expected so various or learned as in old countries. 
However, I hope we shall improve as we grow older and shall, from 
time to time, offer something to the public that will not be altogether 
unworthy of their reception. 

Several months ago I wrote you by a ship of Mr. Foster's. I hope 
you have received the packet long since. 

I wish, Sir, to hear from you whenever your leisure will allow you 
to gratify me. In the meantime, permit me to subscribe. 
With the greatest esteem, Rev* Sir, 

Your obliged friend and very humble serv'. 

Joseph Willard. 

ReV V 1'rice. 

r. S. Please to deliver or send to Dr. Priestley the letter enclo.sed 
with this. 



THOMAS DAY' TO RICHARD PRICE. 

Anningsley, nkar Chertset, April 8, 1786. 

Dear Sir, — M" Day begs me not to omit her respects, which I 
am therefore obliged to put in here. 

I regret that in an affair of the nature of the poem, you should think 
it necessary to consult any judgment but your own ; but as you have 
referred to me, with whatever reluctance I may undertake to express 
an opinion upon so invidious a subject as an author's poetical merit, I 
will certainly obey you, when I receive the poem. At the same time, 
there may be one reason why you should not implicitly trust the dic- 
tates of your own mind ; and that is, the great goodness of your mind, 
vphich inclines you to undertake a task that most other people would 
have declined at the first offer. 

For these reasons, I shall take the liberty of making a few observa- 
tions which I recommend to your discretion and secrecy, and which must 

' The eccentric author of " Sanford and MiTton," born in London June 22, 
1748, and died Sept. 28, 1789, as tlie result of an accident. See Dictionary of 
.National Biography, vol. xiv. pp. 239-241. — Eds, 



81 

be perfectly impartial, as I know nothing of the author and have not yet 
received the poem from M' Stockdale. Poetical excellence, like every 
other excellence, is not very common ; and in an age which abounds 
with so many versifiers, a mediocrity of this, like every other talent, 
will excite very little curiosity. As to the composition of an epic poem, 
it must certainly possess either a very extraordinary degree of merit, 
or it must be tiresome and insipid to the last degree ; witness, the very 
small number of atteuipts in this nature which have succeeded in so 
many ages and countries. I cannot say, that such a genius may not 
arise in America ; but till I see proofs of it, I have very little faith in 
the prodigy. All the attempts I have hitherto seen in that way from 
that country are certainly not above mediocrity. The poem of Col. 
Humphreys is but indifferent;' and Stockdale for my entertainment 
has sent me down another extraordinary performance called the Con- 
quest of Canaan, which is also intended for an epic poem.^ The writer 
of this long, tiresome work is certainly not destitute of poetical genius, 
had he cultivated it more, and published less. The lines are in gen- 
eral easy and flowing, and the descriptions neither destitute of fancy 
nor strength ; but the whole plan is so extremely injudicious and tire- 
some, that the writer might as well have called it an elegy, a tragedy, 
an eclogue, or anything else in rhyme, as an epic poem ; and I defy 
the most resolute reader to wade through it without yawning an hun- 
dred times. If, as I suspect, the Columbiad ^ should prove of the same 
nature, I fear the poor auth[or will] be much disappointed in the 
sanguine ideas he entertains of impro[viug h]is fortune by it. From 
the inclosed letter which you sent, he seems to be of the " genus irri- 
tabile vatura," and I cannot help lamentiug that he has honoured you 
with a post which I fear will prove so troublesome. You are to con- 
sider that the character of an author of this kind bears a much closer 
analogy to that of Catiline, than your friend Dr. Shebbeare could ever 
make out for you ; " ardens in cupiditatibus ; satis eloquential, sapien- 
ti;e parum " : and his expectations from his own productions are gen- 
erally " immoderata, incredibilia, uimis alta." The office you have 
undertaken must at all events prove troublesome, and the discharge of 
it, with whatever fidelity, can hardly be expected to please. He com- 

1 "A Poem, on tlie Happiness of America; addressed to tlie Citizens of the 
United States. By D. Humplirys." It was printed in London in 1786, and 
reprinted in Hartford. A presentation copy from the author to Brig. Gen. H. 
Jackson is in the library of tlie Historical Society. — Eds. 

- " The Conquest of Canaan ; a Poem, in eleven Books." It was by Theodore 
Dwight, afterward President of Yale College, and was printed in Hartford in 
178.5, and reprinted in London in 1788. A copy of the English edition, given by 
John Quincy Adams, is in the library of the Historical Society. — Eds. 

5 " The Vision of Columbus ; a Poem in nine Books. By Joel Barlow, Es- 
quire." Hartford, 1787. 

6 



82 

missifins you to disposp of the copyright; but, when it is remembered 
that Milton sold liia immortal work for ten pound, what offer of a 
London bookseller tor this production of Western genius is likely to 
satisfy the author ? From the disposition he seems to make of the 
prod[uce] he seems to me to entertain ideas which are never likely to 
be realized. [Would] it not therefore be better, before you took any 
decisive measures, to actjuaint the author with the offers that have 
been made, and let him decide about the disposal of his own invaluable 
property? Should your good-nature think of printing it yourself, 
though I would not wish to stint your bounty, you will pardon me, 
who, from being a brother author, am alive to all the misfortunes of 
the trade, if I suggest the possibility of your being considerably out of 
pocket ? At all events these reflexions can do you no hurt, and if your 
own good-nature prompts you to overlook them, it is my duty to pre- 
sent them to your mind. I am, with the greatest respect, 

Yours, &c., 

T. Day. 



BENJAMIN RUSH TO RICHARD PRICE. 

rHii,ADKLPHiA,-22'"' April, 1780. 

Dear Sir, — I am very happy in being able to inform you that the 
test law was so far repealed a few weeks ago in Pennsylvania as to 
confer eciual priviledges upon every citizen of the State. The success 
of the friends of humanity in this business should encourage them to 
persevere in their attempts to enlighten and reform the world. Your 
letter to me upon the subject of that unjust law was the instrument 
that cut its last sinew. 

The States have almost generally appointed a Convention to sit next 
September at Annapolis, for the sole purpose of conferring upon Con- 
gress additional powers, especially for the purpose of regulating our 
trade. Republics are slow in discovering their interest, but when once 
they find it out they pursue it with vigor and perseverance. Nothing 
can be done by our public bodies till they ran carry the [)eople along 
with them, and as the means of propagating intelligence and kTiowlcMlge 
in our country are as yet but scanty, all their movements are marked 
with appearances of delay and procrastination. To remedy these in- 
conveniences, Colleges, newspapers, and posts are establishing in all 
our States. I have thrown my mite into these necessary undertakings 
by publishing a small tract containing a |)lan for thedifl'usion for knowl- 
edge, and a few thoughts upon the education proper for a republic, a 
copy of which I have sent for you directed to the care of Mr. Granville 
Sharp. 

I have requested Mr. Dilly to send you a copy of an oration which I 



83 

had the honor to deliver before our Philosophical Society last winter 
"upon the influence of physical causes upon y° moral faculty." It has 
had a quick sale and an extensive circulation in this country. As it 
contaius some new opinions iu religion and morals, as well as in physic, 
it will stand in need of the protection of my friends in London to pre- 
. serve it from the rage of criticism. If political prejudice blends itself 
with literature, I shall find no mercy from British reviewers. I have 
avoided every thing that could awaken an idea of the folly of Great 
Britain in the late war. In science of every kind men should consider 
themselves as citizens of the whole world. The oration is dedicated to 
our great and good friend Dr. Franklin. 

A volume of transactions will be published by our Society in the course 
of a few weeks. It will contain many useful essays, particularly two 
long ones by Dr. Franklin, one on chimneys, the other on the means 
of lessning the evils and dang[ers of] navigation, both written on his 
late [journey] from Europe to America. 

Continue, my dear Sir, to love, to def[end aud] to enlighten the 
United States. We sh[all not] disappoint nor disgrace you. The 
vi[gorous] good sense aud the property of our count[ry are] coming 
forth daily, and seizing upon power and offices. The scum which was 
thrown upon the surface, by the fermentation of the war is daily sink- 
ing, while a pure spirit is occupying its place. Please to communicate 
these facts to Mr. Adams, who I know from his perfect knowledge of 
human nature aud of our country will be prepared to believe them. 

Yrs. sincerely. 

B : Rdsh. 

P. S. I am sorry to perceive by my letter to you dated October 15, 
1785, aud printed in all your papers, that you have in your «o<e mistaken 
my ace' of the alterations in the articles, liturgy, &c., of the Episcopal 
Church in the middle and southern States. Their Articles are still 
Calvanistical, and they hold no union in principle with the new sect of 
Episcopalians in Boston. I wish this matter could be rectified in your 
papers, but wkliout my name. 

The Sociuian tenets are confined to a few people. I do not find that 
the spirit of enquiry that has broken out in religion has among any 
sects, except one in Boston, invaded the doctrine of the Trinity. 

April 23"i /86. 



BENJAMIN RUSH TO RICHARD PRICE. 

Philad*, May 25'h, 1786. 
Dear Sir, — My last letter to you by Capt. Kennady contained an 
account of an intended Convention of the States to assemble at Annap- 



84 

olis in Maryland next September, for the piir|iose of agreeing; upon 
certain commercial rej;ulatioiis, and of suggesting such alterations in the 
Confederation as will give more extensive and coercive powers to Con- 
gress. We entertain the most flattering hopes from this Convention, 
especially as an opinion seems to have pervaded all classes of people, 
that an increase of power in Congress is absolutel}' necessary for our 
safety and independence. ' Most of the distresses of our country, and of 
the mistakes which Europeans have formed of us, have arisen from a 
belief that the American revolution is over. This is so far from being 
the case, that we have only linished the first act of the great drama. 
We have changed our forms of government, but it remains yet to etfect 
a revolution in our principles, opinions and manners, so as to accom- 
modate them to the forms of government we have adopted. This is the 
most difficult part of the business of the patriots and legislators of our 
country. It requires more wisdom and fortitude than to expel or to 
reduce armies into captivity. I wish to see this idea inculcated by your 
pen. Call upon the rulers of our country to lay the foundations of their 
empire in knoioledge as well as virtue. Let our common people be 
compelled l)y law to give their children (what is commonly called) a 
good P^nglish education. Let schoolmasters of every description be 
supported in part by the public, and let their principles and morals be 
subjected to examination before we employ them. Let us have Col- 
leges in each of the States, and one federal university under the patron- 
age of Congress, where the youth of all the States may be melted (as 
it were) together into one mass of citizens, after they have accjuired the 
first principles of knowledge in the Colleges of their respective States. 
Let the law of nature and nations, the common law of our country, the 
different systems of government, history, and every thing else con- 
nected with the advancement of republican knowledge and principles, 
be taught by able professors in this University. This plan of general 
education alone will render the American revolution a blessing to man- 
kind. As you have staked your reputation npon this gieat event, with 
the world and with posterity, you must not desert us till you see the 
curtain drop and the last act of the drama closed. A small pam|iliflet 
addressed by you to the Congress, and the legislature of each of the 
States, upon this subject, I am sure would have more weight with our 
rulers than an hundred publications thrown out by the citizens of this 
country. It will only be necessary in this pampliHet to be wholly 
silent upon those subjects in Christianity which now so much divide 
and agitate the Christian world. The wisest plan of education that 
could be offered would be unpopular among 91) out of an 100 of the 
citizens of America, if it opposed in any degrei^ the doctrine of the 
Trinity. / Some of the members of the reformed Episcopal C'hurch in 
the middle and .soutlu'rn States complained of the note you pnlilished 



85 

with 1113' letter iu the English newspapers. It has injured them in the 
opinion of some of the English clergy- You will perceive from their 
prayer hook, that their Articles, tho' reduced in number, are equally 
Calvanistioal with the Articles of the old English Church. 

It is with singular pleasure that I inform you that public and private 
credit are reviving every where, and tliat laws are gradually coming 
into force to compel the payment of old English debts. Whoever con- 
siders the effects of war upon morals in all countries, and then adds to 
these the effects of a sudden, total, and universal dissolution of all gov- 
ernment, such as took place in America during the late war, will not be 
surprised at any of the events that have happened or at the laws that 
have been passed since the peace. It requires less charity than good 
sense to make proper allowances for all the vices of our country. 

The letters written by D' Nisbet to his friends soon after his arrival 
in America, from which so many extracts have been published in the 
Scotch papers, were written under a deranged state of mind, occasioned 
by a fever which fixed itself upon his brain. The Doctor has since 
perfectly recovered his health and reason, has been reinstated in the 
College, and is now perfectly satisfied with our country. 

Our venerable friend Dr. Franklin continues to enjoy as much health 
and spirits as are compatible with his time of his life. I dined with 
him a few days ago in a most agreeable circle where he appeared as 
chearful and gay as a youug man of five and twenty. But his conver- 
sation was full of the wisdom and experience of mellow old age. He 
has destroyed party rage in our State, or to borrow an allusion from 
one of his discoveries, his presence and advice, like oil upon troubled 
waters, have composed the contending waves of faction which for so 
many years agitated the State of Pennsylvania. 

I beg my most respectful comp'* to Mr. Adams, with whom I am 
happy to find you live upon the most intimate terms. 

Should you conclude that the publication of any part of the intelli- 
gence contained iu this letter, will serve our country, you are at liberty 
to make that use of it, but I must request that you will not give my 
name to the public with it. 

With the greatest respect, I am, my dear Sir, 

Your sincere friend, and most humble servant, 

Benj" Rush. 

P. S. Most of the complaints against our country which are pub- 
lished in your papers come from British agents, or from a sett of men 
who have setled among us since the peace, who want either virtue or 
abilities to maintain themselves, and who would have been poor and 
unhap|)y in any country. 



86 



JOHN CLARKE' TO RICHARD PRICE. 

Boston, IS"- July, 1786. 

Rev" and hon" Sir, — I received your letter dated May 27"", and 
thauk you for your remarks upon the late publication of my veuerable 
colleague. Your sentiments perfectly coincide with my own. I have 
long been of the opinion that the Mosaic history of the creation, fall, 
&c., was not to be understood according to the literal sense of the words. 
Dr. Chauncy has writ ingeniously upon the vulgar supposition ; but I 
think that can by no means be admitted. The work, however, may do 
some good ; particularly that part which exposes the sophistry of Dr. 
Edwards. 

I am happy to find Mr. Adams among your hearers and particular 
friends. In America he is highly esteemed. His political abilities, 
patriotism and integrity greatly endear him to his couutrymen. But 
their want of his virtues must be extremely mortifying to him. He 
must often blush for his country. And his present appointment he 
must consider as one of the very humiliating events of his life.'- 

Dr. Chauncy enjoys his health, but his mind is much impaired. He 
is but the shadow of his former self. Your letter to Mr Hazlett is 
delivered. That to Dr. Wheelock will be safely conveyed. The 
Tractate on Church Music is now circulating among the people to 
whom it is particularly addressed. When I have more carefully perused 
it, I will candidly own the impression it makes. That it was compiled 
with the most friendly view, is the opinion of all who have read it ; 
and particularly so of 

Your much obliged and most humljle serv'. 

John Cl.\kke. 

P. S. I would beg leave to observe that we do not style ourselves 
Disseuters but Cougregationalists. 



EDWARD WKiGLESWORTH TO RICHARD PRICE. 

Cambridok, M.assachusetts. July 27, 178f). 
Rev" and deak Sir, — Permit me to express my gratitude for the 
obliging manner in which you were pleased to communicate to the Rev** 

1 Rev. John Clarke, D.D., was born in Portsmouth, New Hampshire, April 
13, 1755, grafUiateil at Harvard College in 1774, was ordained over the First 
Church in Boston in 1778, as colleague with Rev. Dr. Chauncy, and died April 
2, 1798. See Ellis's Hist, of the First Church, pp. 208-215. — Ens. 

- Mr. Adams was at the time this letter was written minister plenipotentiary 
to Great Britain ; but it is well known that the feebleness of the government 
which lie represented was a .serious and mortifying embarrassment to him. See 
Life and Works of John Adams, vol. i. pp 413-426. — Eds. 



87 

President Willard your judicious remarks on the Expectation of Life 
among the Harvard graduates ; and at the same time to return you 
thanks in my own name, and in behalf of the ministers of this Com- 
monwealth for the kind assistance you have given them in the formation 
of a plan for providing annuities for their widows. 

The General Court of the last year, at the close of the sessions, 
passed an act for incorporating a Society, by the name of The Mnssa- 
cliucetls Congregational Cluiritahle Society, with power to hold an 
annual income, not exceeding three thousand pounds. The annual 
income of the Society is to be " applied to the support of such widows 
and children of deceased Congregational Ministers, who have been or 
shall be settled within this Commonwealth, and of the widows and 
children of the Presidents and Professors of the University, as in the 
opinion of the said Corporation shall be proper objects of the said 
Charity." 

The corporation, judging it within their province to provide a par- 
ticular fund for granting annuities to the widows of the subscribers, 
appointed a committee to prepare a plan for that purpose. The com- 
mittee, having considered the two plans which you communicated to the 
President, were of opinion that the plan mentioned in the postscript 
of your letter would, for the reasons therein offered, be the more eligi- 
ble of the two. They accordingly reported it to the .Society, who voted 
to carry it into execution ; as soon as Jifty subscribers should subject 
themselves to an aimual payment of five pounds five shillings, during 
the continuance of their respective marriages. The younger ministers, 
I persuade myself, will generally become subscribers. And as soon 
as a few widows commence annuitants, the utility of the institution will 
be obvious. This will have a natural tendency to put the younger 
ministers, in future, on providing annuities for their wives in season. 

Some of the gentlemen of the corporation were of opinion that it 
would promote the general design of this institution to provide for the 
making single payments at admission, instead of the annual payments, 
mentioned in the plan ; for some persons may prefer a single payment 
to annual ones. The Society accordingly referred the consideration 
of this motion to the committee who reported the plan. The value of 
such single payments may, I think, be found with precision by mul- 
tiplying the value of an annuity on two joint lives, found in Table 
XLVI of Vol. II of your Treatise, by 5.25, the annual payment. 
Should I be mistaken, I shall esteem myself much obliged for your 
correction. 

The principles by which the annuities in the plan we have adopted 
are regulated, I do not recollect to have found laid down in your 
Treatise on reversionary Payments. If they are not, the gentlemen 
of the Society will esteem themselves obliged to you for u mathematical 



88 

resolution of them, whenever you may finil leisure amidst your many 
engagements to attend to this subject. 

That a life so important as youis to Great Britain and America, may 
be prolonged, and that you may have the satisfaction of finding a due 
regard paid by the inhabitants of both countries to your salutary admo- 
nitions, is the desire and prayer of him, who is with the greatest esteem, 
Reverend Sir, 

Your obliged servant, 

Edward Wiggleswoktii. 
Kev'i Richard Price, D.D., &c. 



JOSEPH WILLARD TO RICHARD PRICE. 

Cambridge, .luly 20, 1786. 

Rev" and dear Sir, — I am much obliged to you for your letter, 
in which you communicated to me your answers to the Rev'' Professor 
Wigglesworth's queries respecting a plan for annuities for the widows 
of ministers in this Commonwealth. The Trustees of The Massachusetts 
Congregational Charitable Society, lately incorporated, have accepted the 
report of their Committee, viz. Professor Wigglesworth, Mr. Sullivan 
and myself, recommending the plan of annuities which you suggested iu 
the postscript of your letter ; and which you say you have recom- 
mended to some societies in Great Britain. Some of the Trustees 
wished to provide for the making of a single payment, where desired, 
instead of the annual payments, and referred the matter to the con- 
sideration of this Committee. The Professor, who has looked into the 
doctrine of annuities more than the rest of us, has written to you 
directly upon the subject, whose letter I enclose, and which makes 
it unnecessary for me to enlarge upon the matter. 

I wish, Sir, I could give you a favourable account of the aspect 
of our public affairs in these States ; l)ut unhappily, the Congress 
still continues unfurnished with the means of extinguishing our national 
debt ; nor is it yet furnished with powers for regulating trade. How 
unfortunate that little jealousies and local considerations should prevent 
the general good and endanger the confederation ! What the end of 
these things may be Heaven alone knows ! May it be better than our 
fears ! I confess, I cannot help frequently trembling for the event. 

The citizens of the States feel the public taxes to be heavy, and find 
a scarcity of money to pay them. .Some States in the union have 
already issued a paper currency, which seems to incre.ase the evil 
instead of lessening it. The little State of Rhode Island has lately 
issued a large sum of paper money, a measure highly disgusting to 
many of its citizens. They are thrown into parties, and great confu- 



89 

sion and disorder at present subsist among them. I hope the commo- 
tions there will be a warning to the inhabitants of this Commonwealth, 
and that they will learn wisdom by the sufferings of their neighbours. 
At the last session of our General Assembly, about a month ago, 
an attempt was made by some members to obtain a vote for a paper 
currency to be issued among us ; but the number was so very small 
that they made no head ; and I hope there will continue to be wisdom 
enough in the State to prevent so pernicious a measure. 

I had like to have forgotten to mention a mistake in the direction of 
your last letter to me. The letter designed for me went enclosed to 
Mr. Sullivan, while one designed for him came directed to me. As the 
letter was not directed to any person at the bottom, it was several days 
before I could find out to whom that of which I was possessed belonged, 
and recover my own. At length I made the discovery, and each of us 
got his own letter. However, no damage has attended the mistake, 
and it need give you no uneasiness. 

Mr. Sparhawk, a grandson of the late Sir William Pepperrell, who 
is a merchant at Portsmouth in New Hampshire, and a friend and 
classmate of mine, is so polite as to offer to wait upon you in person 
with this letter when he gets to London, for which he is to sail the 
ne.Yt week. He tells me, he wishes to have the honor and pleasure of 
being introduced to you, for whose character he entertains the highest 
regard. If you should have any commands for America, Mr. Spar- 
hawk, I am persuaded, will be happy to execute them. 

I wrote you by Dr. Gordon in the spring, who I hear has arrived in 
London. 

I hope this letter will find you in the enjoyment of health ; and that 
you may long be continued a blessing to the world is the ardent wish 
and prayer of. Sir, 

Your sincere friend and obliged humble serv'. 

Joseph Willaeu. 

Revi Df RicHAiui Price. 



BENJAMIN FUANKLIN TO RICHARD PRICE. 

PhiladA, July 29, 178(5. 
Dear Friend, — I could not let this opportunity, by M' Nicklin, 
pass without selecting you. I hope you continue well, as I do, my old 
malady excepted, and that so useful a life as yours will be long pro- 
tracted. I repeat my thanks to you for the pamphlet yon so kindly 
sent me. I should ere now have try'd the remedy indicated in it, but 
my gl.iss instrument for impregnating liquors with fi.x'd air, being lent 
into the country, I have been kept in continual expectation of its being 



90 

return'd, and am hitherto disappointed ; at which I have been tlie less 
uneasy, as the pain has been tolerable generally, and I do not find that 
the malady grows worse. 

Our Philosophical Society think themselves honour'd by your ac- 
ceptance of their diploma. You will receive by M" Vaughau a second 
volume of their Transactions. 

I see there are mischievous spirits at worls, labouring to di-sturb the 
peace betweeu our countries, but I trust they will not succeed. We 
are improving daily in public prudence and the true knowledge of our 
essential interests; and notwithstanding some political errors hard to 
eradicate I Hatter myself that on the whole and in time we shall do 
very well. Indeed I think I see evident marks of the favourable hand 
of Providence in our affairs ; for even our own blunders, and the malice 
of our enemies, are made to operate our advantage. My best wishes 
attend you and good M" Price, being ever, my dear Friend, 
Yours most atlectiouately, 

B. Franklin. 

Rev'i D' Price. 



BENJAMIN RUSH TO RICHARD PRICE. 

Philadelphia, August 2ii(i, 1786. 

Dear Sir, — With great reluctance I set down to write a few lines 
to you by good Mrs. Vaughan and her family. They will leave many 
friends behind them, and carry with them the good wishes of all who 
have ever known them. I consider our city and society impoverished 
by their leaving us, but taking every consideration into ([uestiou, I 
cannot help approving of their preferring the highly cultivated society 
of old friends in England to the less cultivated society of new ones in 
America. Mr. Vaugiian's active and public spirit has laid our city 
under great obligations to him. We look forward with pain to the 
time of his leaving us. He has been the principal cause of the resur- 
rection of our Philosophical Society. He has even done more, he has 
laid the foundation of a philosophical hull which will preserve his name 
and the name of his family among us for many, many years to come. 

I refer you to the enclosed papers for political information, and beg 
leave, for the present, only to subscribe myself with great respect, dear 

Sir, 

Your sincere friend and humble servant, 

liENj" Rush. 

P. S. The essays subscribed Nestor in the enclosed papers have 
been ascribed to your friend. 

IJ. i;. 



91 



MARQUIS OF LANSDOWNE i TO RICHARD PRICE. 

BowooD Park, 21"' Sept', 1786. 
My dearest Friend, — I did not answer the kind letter which I 
receiv'd from you at Weymoutli, expecting to do it in person, as 
I generally go to town from Wycombe, but as I found it impossible 
to do so this year, I was thinking of writing to you to-morrow, just 
when I receiv'd the melancholy account you have taken the trouble of 
sending me of the irreparable loss you have sustaiu'd.'^ I am very sensi- 
ble of the confidence you must have in my affection by the early com- 
munication of this heart-breaking event, and, tho' the post only allows 
me a moment, I cannot delay a day to assure you that you have not 
a relation who feels more sensibly the loss you have sustain'd. I have 
no need when I write to you, particularly on this occasion, to wait for 
reflection, I am not afraid to let ray heart dictate. Let me beseech you 
to command me in any shape. I will go instantly to London if I can 
contribute to your comfort, or will be happy to see you here, where no 
one shall come, but such as are agreeable to you. Lady Lansdown 
upon receipt of your letter nieiition'd this before I did, or as soon 
as Miss Fox gets here to keep Lady Lansdown company I will attend 
you anywhere. In the mean time let me beseech you, my dear Friend, 
to struggle against your misfortune, and let your mind dwell as little as 
possible on an event which is now pass'il. One of the viisest pi (ictical 
men who ever liv'd, Philippe de Comraiues, says in his memoirs, that 
the only remedye he observ'd thro' life in cases of great and heavy 
calamity, was first to vent the grief to some true friend, and then 
to have recourse to time and as hard and constant exercise as the 
body can endure. I am unhappily myself a physician and as you 
know have had too much experience of domestick calamity, but as 
I have often told you, tho' they have hurt my health fundamentally yet 
the calamitys I have suffer'd have made me a better and for that 
reason a happier man. I have not time to read over what I have 
wrote, as I am afraid of losing the post ; I trust you will not doubt its 
sincerity, and accept both my wishes and my prayers that you may 
hereafter meet the friend you have lost a saint in Heaven. I will 
write to you soon again, and believe me, in the mean time, 
Y' most affect" friend, 

Lansdown. 

' William, 2d Earl of Slielburne, Dr. Price's friend, was advanced to tlie dig- 
nity of Marquis of L.ansdowne Nov. 30, 1784. — Eds. 

- The death of Mrs. Price, to whom the Doctor had been married for nearly 
tliirty years. — Ei>s. 



92 



MARQUIS OF LANSDOWNE TO UICHARD PRICE. 

Bowooi) Park, 29"' Sept', 1786. 
Mt deak Friend, — I was going to write to Mr. Vaughan or some 
other friend to enfjuire about you, but upon recollection I chuse to 
address yourself, as I think it the duty of every friend you have to 
incite you to exert yourself, to prevetit the calamity which you have 
lately undergone taking too much hold of your mind. Recollect the 
advantages of your situation for example over mine, the longer scene 
of uninterrupted domestick felicity which you have enjoy'd, the great 
happiness of a middle station which you have often told me, and wiiich 
I am perfectly sure, is the happiest, when properly understood, as it 
has been without the least compliment by you, who have never debas'd 
it by a meanness nor committed it by a petulance, but always supported 
the dignity of it; but above all the lively sense of religion, which you 
must have had early inipress'd upon your mind, and which I am free to 
own by all I have observed is worth the knowledge and riches of the 
whole world ; for how can a man who firmly believes in another life 
and in the divine mission of Jesus Christ lose his time in regretting any 
event in a short and contemptible life like the present ? It gave me 
great satisfaction to find in your letter before the last, that you were 
occupied about some moral treatise, for anxious as I am for the perma- 
nent dignity of your character I wish morality to form the predominant 
feature of it ; and tho' as long as a sinking fund exists, (and when 
it ceases, the country must do so too) your name must be connected 
with it, yet I am not afraid that if you apply your mind to the great 
line of morality, you will leave some still better legacy to mankind, by 
which you will be still better characteris'd ; but allow me to speak my 
mind freely, that it should turn upon such general principles as may 
embrace the Turk or the Geiitoo equally with the Ciiristian, and not to 
suffer yourself to be diverted by controversies, which are better left 
in the hands of conceited men who live by them, and who have neither 
your comprehension of head or heart, and which do not contribute to 
make mankind essentially better in the several relations of life. You 
see that you make me almost commence preacher, but you need not be 
afraid that if you will venture here, that I will tire you with that or 
any other subject. You will find Lady Lansdown and me nearly alone 
for two months to come. I am in the habit of riding from ten to 
thirty or sometimes forty mile a day. We dine at 5 o'clock as plain 
as you do in your own house. Lady Lansdown plays for an hour on 
the harpsichord, not very well but without any pretensions, and we go 
to bed at eleven. We'll consider and treat you as a father. Every 
person about the house reveres and respects you, and you'll make us 
very ha|>py, which is the next thing to being happy yourself In tiie 



93 

mean time I hope to know that you have fix'd upon some of your 
relations to live with you, for you must not live alone, an<l that you 
exert yourself 

Believe me, my dear Friend, most affect''' y'". 

Lansdown. 



JAMES SULLIVAN 1 TO RICHARD PRICE. 

Boston, 16tli October, 1786. 

Rev" Sir, — 1 am really much indebted by your obligins; letter with 
which I was favoured some time ago. You were very kind in giving 
me liberty to communicate to you any thing respecting infringements 
upon the sacred rights of conscience which might happen in our Com- 
monwealth. There is no one, Sir, on the g'ohe to whom I should 
apply myself in difficulties of this sort sooner than to you. But I am 
very happy to inform you tliat the Judges of our Supreme Judicial 
Court, have given at. last such a construction to our declaration of 
rights as sets this point upon a liberal and safe footing. I shall not 
do you justice without observing that I believe your letter did much 
towards it. 

I have the honor to send you the Memoirs of the American Academy. 
You have no doubt received one of the books before but I wish to 
testify the great respect I have for you. This may enable you to give 
one to a friend. It will be delivered perhaps some time after you 
receive this letter by my particular friend Mr. Martin of Portsmouth 
in New Hampshire. 

The inclosed paper may serve as a hint of the disagreeable .situation 
we are in here. Insurrections increase upon us, and our troubles 
arising from a want of firmness in government threaten our very exist- 
ence as a government. But I hope in Heaven that all may soon 
subside. 

I am, dear Sir, with the most sincere veneration. 

Your most obliged and most humble servant, 

James Sullivan. 
Doctor Price. 



BENJAMIN RUSH TO RICHARD PRICE. 

X)ear Sir, — This letter will be handed to you by the Rev'' D' 
White of this city who goes to London in order to be consecrated 

' Born in Berwick, Maiiie, April 22, 1744; died in Boston Dec. 10, 1808. He 
w.is tlie first President of tlie Massachusetts Historical Society, and afterward 
Governor of tlie State. — Ens. 



94 

Bishop of Pennsylvania. He is a gentleman of a most woitiiy and 
respectable character. With prospects of an affluent fortune, ami with 
the most liberal connections, lie early ilevoteil himself to tiie service of 
the sanctuary. He has officiated as one of the ministers of the 
Episcopal churches in our city for upwards of fourteen years with the 
utmost reputation. In every stage of the late war he was a consisteut 
Whig. In the most doubtful stage of the war he acted as chaplain 
to the Congress. He is almost the only man I ever knew of real 
abilities, and unaffected purity and simplicity of manners, that had not 
a single enemy. He carries with him the good wishes and praj'ers 
of thousands of his fellow citizens. 

Accept of my thanks for your very agreeable fivor of July 30"'. 

I lament that your declining health will not permit you to undertake 
a second address to the citizens of America upon the subject of a new 
federal government. You will perceive by the papers that the Con- 
vention which was to have laid the foundation for that salutary measure 
in SeiJlem' last adjourned, from tiie want of sufficient powers for that 
purpose, till next May, then to meet in the city of Philadelphia. 

Some of our enlightened men who begin to despair of a more com- 
plete union of the States in Congress, have secretly proposed an 
Eastern, Middle, and Southern Confederacy, to be uniteil by an alliance 
offensive and defensive. These confederacies they say will be united 
by nature, by interest, and by manners, and consequently they will be 
safe, agreeable and durable. The first will include the four New Eng- 
land States and New York. The second will include New Jersey, 
Pennsylvania, Delaware, and Maryland ; and the last Virginia, North 
and South Carolina, and Georgia. The foreiiin and domestic debt of 
the United States, they say shall be divided justly between each of the 
new confederations. This plan of a new continental government is at 
present a mere speculation. Perhaps necessity, or rather divine provi- 
dence, may drive us to it. Whatever form of political existence may 
be before us, I am fully satisfied that our independance rests upon a 
firm basis, and that Great Britain will never recover from any of our 
changes in opinion or government her former dominion or influence in 
this country. 

The commotions in New England have happily subsided without ihe 
loss of a life or the effusion of one drop of kindred blood. If your 
countrymen should shew a disposition to rejoice in hearing of these 
commotions, it will only be necessary to remind them of the present 
distractions in Ireland, or of the late mob conducted by Lord George 
Gordon in the city of London, to convince them that stability, con- 
tetitment and perfect order are no more the offsprings of monarchical 
than of republican forms of government. The kingdoms of Europe 
have travelled into their present state of boasted tran(iuillity thro' seas 



95 

of blood. The republics of America are travelling into order and wise 
government, only thro' a sea of blunders. 

Our venerable friend D' Franklin has found considerable benefit from 
the use of the remedy you recommended to him, joined with the black- 
berry jam. He informed me a few days ago that he had not enjoyed 
better health for the last 30 years of his life than he does at present. 
His faculties are still in their full vigor. He amuses himself daily in 
superintending two or three houses which he is building in the neigh- 
bourhood of his dwelling house. One of them is for a [)rinting office 
for his grandson, a promising youth who was educated by him in France. 

An important revolution took place on the 1 0th day of this instant 
in favor of the wisdom, virtue, and property 6f Pennsylvania. Mr. 
Eob' Morris, the late financier of the United States, is at the head of 
the party that will rule our State for the insuing year. This gentle- 
man's abilities, eloquence, and integrity place him upon a footing with 
the first legislators and patriots of ancient and modern times. It is 
expected the charter of the Bank of North America will be restored, 
and that the College of Philadelphia (seized by fraud and force by D' 
Pawing and his friends) will be given back to its original and just 
owners. 

If vou should conclude to publish any part of my letters, I have only 
to request that you would not connect the extracts from them with my 
name. 

With the greatest respect, and the most fervent wishes that your 
useful life may be prolonged for many, many years to come, 1 am, 
d' Sir, 

Your sincere friend and most humble servant. 

Benj" Rush. 

Philadelphia, October 27"', 1786. 
Rovt D' Price. 



SAMUEL VAUGHANi TO RICHARD PRICE. 

Philadelphia, 4"' November, 1786. 
My dear Sir, — I am favord with your acceptable letter of 1 
Aug', and feel witli strong sensibility the affliction you must be under 
for the helpless and deplorable state of M" Price ; happy it is that 
your philosophy and Christian fortitude is so well calculated to support 
you under so distressing dispensations of providence in this traiisitary 
state, resting on well grounded hopes of a future just and merciful 

1 The writer of this letter (born June 22, 1762, died Dec. 4, 1802) was one of 
the numerous cliildren of Samuel and Sarali (Hallowell) Vaughan, and brotlier 
of Benjamin and Jolin Vauglian. (See N, E, Hist, and Gen. Regist., vol. xix. 
p. .355 ) He was a member of the American Philo-sopliical Society. — Eds. 



96 

retribution when you will assuredly have your full reward. I most 
sincerely hope your trip to Brighton may establish your health, spirits 
and usefulness for a long, long period. 

Before uiy departure from England, you wished to retire from part 
of your pastoral care and labours ; your now undertaking to give lec- 
tures in the rising Accademy ' is an illustrious proof of your unabated, 
persevering zeal for extending your usefulness, nor do 1 think you 
could have found a better line to render esential service to the rising 
generation than by employing your credit and labours in promoting 
that young and so much wanted seminary of learning, for the extention 
of useful knowledge on rational principles, at a period when the Dis- 
senting Interest is rapidly declining and many accademies that were 
designed for like purpose fain to decay. 

I am rejoiced to hear that after so long .solicitation of your friends 
you are at length persuaded to publish a volume of Sermons, in perusal 
of which I promise my self much pleasure and profit. I also rejoice 
to hear the amiable Miss Priestley is so well married, but under great 
concern to hear the return of the Doctor's complaint. God grant his 
valuable and useful life may be prolonged to pursue his rapid, valuable, 
original discoveries and researches into the works of nature ; he is in- 
deed a most wonderful and good man, without a parallel. Many here 
wish he would drop his theological pursuits and stick to philosophical. 

I spend many agreeable evenings with our good friend Doctor 
Franklin, who except for the stone, wiiich prevents his using exercise, 
except in walking in the house up and down stairs, and sometime to 
the State-house (which is one eigtii of a mile distant) still retains his 
health, spirits and memory beyon<l all conception, insomuch that there 
are few transactions, subjects or publications, ancient or modern, tliat 
are of any note but what he retains and when necessary in conversa- 
tion will repeat and retain with wonderful facility. He bathes twice 
a week statedly (for hours) in a hot bath and, instead of relaxation, 
he enjoys and finds benefit from it. He desires his kind remembrance 
to you and the members of the Club. He has been again chosen 
President unanimously. 

I hope Mr. Courtland will succeed in Albany, tho the soil (except at 
a distance from the Mohawk River and near Fort Stanwick) is gener- 
ally poor and but little society even in the city except young lawyers 
training for the bar. 

My opinion and expectations respecting America are not altered ; 
true it is, that many improvements are wanted, and the Constitution 
of this State and some others very deficient ; it however requires much 
time to reform States, but the evils will in due time remedy themselves, 
when commerce, &c", conies to a level. Taxes at present lies heavy on 

' The college at Hackney. By liis will Dr. Price gave £50 to it. — Eds. 



/ 



97 

the people, tho' their debt is a drop of the bucket when compared with 
their resources of land and produce as the coutiueut becomes better 
setled. The improvements making in many of the seminaries of learn- 
ing and provisions made by grants of land for many others about to be 
established in the back States will defuse general knowledge ; suffering 
and experience will open the eyes of the people, and it may be expected 
in due time that habits of sobriety, industry and frugality will promote 
good morals ; and I have the pleasure to inform you, that the incon- 
sistant acts passed and often repealed by the Assembly of this State 
since their independence have already roused the people's attention, 
insomuch that the faction called the Constitutionalists, who since the 
Revolution have ruled with despotic sway, met with an unexpected 
defeat the last election for members of Assembly, by the Whigs, who go 
under the name of Republicans, whose interest will jearly encreas by 
the young Quakers arriving at age, who are not subject to the ini<iuitus 
test law, and who are perhaps the most moderate and valuable set of 
people in this State. It is now thought there is a majority of Whigs 
in the Assembly, and it is expected that a charter for better regu- 
lating the police of this City will be obtained, the charter of the Bank 
restored and hopes of the repeal of the Test Law, with other reforms, 
but it yet may be feared from the number of country members, who are 
yet uninformed, jealous of and opposing the cities and people in trade, 
from an erronious opinion of their having seperate interests, and for 
want of knowledge and experience have been hitherto led by a few de- 
signing men, that business will not be conducted as well as could be 
wished ; however from the provission made for defusing of knowledge 
in the several counties and the power being where it should be, that 
is in the hands of the people, it may be hoped and expected the evils 
when felt will remidj' themselves. And indeed this may be expected 
from a recent instance in the reforms made here in the Prayers, Psalms 
and Service of the Church of England (as soon as in their power) and 
that in fewer months than has been done by enlightened nations in cen- 
turies, and it may be hoped that it will have further reform yet, and 
that the example will stimulate and open the eyes of that perswasion 
in England to act likewise. You will see Docter White, who is gone 
in the packet for consecretion, and who has bore a uniform excellent 
character and more liberal than most of his brethren. 

I hope ere this that M" Vaughan and family are safe arrived 
and that you will often favor them with your company, which will 
add much to their pleasure and happiness as well as greatly oblige, 
dear Sir, 

Your ever affectionate friend, 

Sam"- Vaughan. 

ReV Doctor Price. 



98 



MAKQUIS OF LANSDUWNE TO UICHAKl) I'RICE. 

BowooD Park, 22'1 Nov', 1780 
My dear Friend, — It 's very long since I have heard from you. 
I want to know how you go on, and hope to hear that the late changes 
of weather have not affected you too much. 

I have taken the liberty of giving M' Playfair a letter to you. He 
is the author of some commercial tables which you may have seen, 
as well as of one to shew the operation of a Sinking Fund. He is 
goins to publish one to shew the different operation of annuities and 
perpetuities, with a treatise which he desires to dedicate to me, but 
wishes to communicate his opinions first to you. When you have seen 
him, I shall be glad to have your opinion of him and his book. He is 
a Scotsman. 

I have been much entertained with a Life of M' Turgot by M' Con- 
dorcet. They are both great pedants, but the first was certainly a 
great ram. I don't imagine he would have made a minister in any 
country, but he was a greater character. His virtues and good (jualities 
overballance very far his failings. I am captivated with cue of iiis 
ideas, that of establishing certain fi.x'd fundamental principles of law, 
commerce, morality and politicks comprehensive enough to embrace 
all religions and all countrys It is to the inculcating these princi()]e8 
I want you, my dear friend, to dedicate your whole time, to cry down 
war throughout the world, which nothing can ever justifye, and to 
prove the advantages of peace, aud the right which all countries have 
to re(iuire it of their respective sovereigns. If sovereigns are of- 
fended with each other, let them fight singlehanded, without involving 
their people in their silly ([uarrels. You have talents aud character 
peculiarly adapted to give weight to these principles. Every one is 
sufficientlv agreed about the existence of God and about his attributes, 
except some conceited men of letters, who are delighted to reason in the 
dark, and think themselves superior to the rest of the world, because tiiey 
think they know what the rest of the world don't think worth know- 
ino-. I want you to keep better company. I cannot help thinking that 
the waut of taste, observable in the [jresent age for several matters of 
controversy, is not entirely owing to love of dissipation but that good 
sense has its share of the motive. But I am afraid of saying more 
upon a subject upon which you may very reasonably think I have no 
right to say any thing. 

I observe the political world is entirely occupied about the French 
treaty. I need not tell you that as far as it goes it is perfectly agree- 
able to my principles. I am at a loss to account for the motives of 
either side in adopting the principles of the armd neutrality. If it 
arises from no little secret motive, but is done with a view to soften the 



99 

great evil of war, I must highly approve of that also, and can only 
wish that they had gone still further, and foUow'd the example set by 
the late King of Prussia's treaty with America. But writing to you 
confidentially I own I am at a loss what to conjecture about its fate 
when Parliament meets. Our |)ublick is so ignorant and so change- 
able, that its present popularity goes with me for nothing, and when I 
see on the one hand however agreeable the whole treaty may be to me, 
several of the clauses contradicting directly the spirit of several laws 
pass'd only last sessions, other clauses founded on principles directly 
opposite to those which were maintaiu'd with the utmost violence in 
the Irish treaty by the very man wiio signs this, and the tendency of 
the whole very opposite to the passions and dispositions of some who 
have the most to say at present, I cannot conceive what is to come 
of it, or if it does pass in its present form, what can have producd 
such an incredible change. I know that a great deal is to be said 
for its passing besides its merits, and when I write to you upon 
this as well as many other subjects, I only think aloud, and wish 
for many reasons my private reflections to remain with you only. I 
shall be vastly troubl'd if it fails, for prejudice will get a new lease, 
and we shall be drove so far back in error. 

I don't find any of my correspondents able to account for the late 
fall of the funds. 

Lady Lansdowu desires her kind compliments and wishes much that 
you would spend at least a part of your holydays here. You would 
find only your friends, and no ladys except Miss Vernous, the eldest of 
whom is an extraordinai'y good young woman. They and Mi.ss Fox 
are leaving the Dutchess of Bedford, and are to live with M'^ Vernon. 
The old Dutchess as long as she can't keep her great houses does not 
care about keeping any thing else, and least of all her temper, which 
does not endure any thing which looks like retiring from power and 
greatness. 

I am, dear D' Price, most affect'*' y". 

Lansdown. 



MARQUIS OF LANSDf)WNE TO RICHARD PRICE, 

BowoOD Pakii,29"' Nov', 1786. 
My dear Friend, — I am very glad to hear of the intended pub- 
lication you mention. I have long wish'd to see something of the sort, 
and actually propos'd to the'very gentleman whom I mention'd in my 
last to undertake a paper under the title of the Neutralist. The arm'd 
neutrality may be a more popular title and better. I therefore beg 
that you 'II tell D' Thompson with my compliments that if his object be 



100 

to inculciite your principles regarding liberty in generiii, and liis couii- 
trynjaii M' Adam Sinitirs regarding liberty of commerce, I sliall tliink 
it a duty to do every thing I possibly can to encourage his undertaking, 
in short that he may freely command me in any shape. But its suc- 
cess will depend upon the impartiality and ability with which it is con- 
ducted. I have often thought that D' Macleane at the Hague was a 
person very capable of assisting the foreign part of such a work, but 
I don't know how far he might be dispos'd to embark at his time of 
life in any thing of the sort. 

So far you may tell D' Thompson. It may perhaps be as well not 
to tell him that I can scari-e conceive a Scotchman capable of liberality, 
but utterly incapable of impartiality. That nation is compos'd of such 
a sad set of innate, cold-hearted, impudent rogues, that I sometimes 
think it a comfort when you and I shall be to walk together in the 
next world, which I hope we shall as well as in this, we cannot possibly 
then have any of them sticking to our skirts. In the mean time it's a 
melancholy thing that there is no finding any other peoi>le that will 
take pains, or be amenable even to the best purposes. 

I have an account of the revenue of the year up to the last quarter. 
I have given it to William to copy, and it shall he forwarded to you 
either to-morrow or P^ryday, but I am very much incliu'd to attribute 
the late fluctuations to stock-jobbing, only assisted by the state of 
things iu Holland. 

I am very glad to hear that your new academy is like to pros[)er. 
I only hope that moi'e regard will be paiil to modern languages, (ler- 
man as well as French, and less to ancient, than has been usual in such 
institutions, that there will not be such long vacations as is generally 
practis'd, and from time to time some very publick examinations. 

I have been so much struck with M' Tnrgot's Life, that I have sent 
it to a friend of ours to get it translated and publish'd. I take Mr. 
Necker's book to be a singular instance of the power of mixing a groat 
attention to popularity, court favour, and almost all the reigning preju- 
dices, not only with great brilliancy of sentiment, but with a very 
honourable regard to good (Economy, order and several very liberal 
principles. However, it must be allow'd that M' Turgot's principles 
are made of sterner stuff. One seems to have been calculated to do 
good to the present age, the other to posterity. It 's a pity that their 
respective partizaus iu France do not rather chuse to dwell on those 
points where two such respectable authoritys agree, especially as there 
are very iin|)ortant ones which comes under this predicament, rather 
than on those where they oppos'd each other, but I hope posterity will 
be wiser than the King of F'rance and will in the long run avail itself 
of the joint labours of botli these men. There is certainly more liber- 
ality among otlicial people in Fiance than in P^ngland, while on the 



101 

other hand our middle class of people are far better inform'il and more 
liberal than theirs. I consider the conduct of the present Opposition as 
a great misfortune, as they make it a principle to oppose every thing 
right or wrong, and by that means stifHe the real publick voice and 
mislead strangely. 

I will read your Sermons I am sure with great pleasure, as I do 
every thing which comes from you. I want you to live hereafter with the 
Turgots and the Neckers, and to leave the Doct" and the Archdeacons 
to dye by the hands of one another. I am sorry to find you complain of 
any low intervals, and that it should ever occurr to your mind to think of 
retiring from your friends at a time that you should retire to them. I 
am a few years younger than you, I believe, and certainly have not the 
same philosophy as you, yet I am glad to find myself so far on my road, 
and so far well over, especially since my eldest son is of age and has 
given a tolerable earnest of good dispositions. I have no uneasy in- 
tervals e.xcept when I think of my second son, which I am convinc'd 
is owing in great part to my having indulg'd my grief for him to au 
excessive degree. I would give a great deal that I had not done it, as 
it can do him no good. God knows my heart, it is not for want of 
tenderness for him, as my tears sufficiently witness while I am now 
writing, but painfull as it is to me to recurr to the subject, I cannot 
help doing it to warn you, my dear Friend, against incurring a disease 
in which you may find at first a melancholy comfort, but in the end 
you '11 find lowering and incapacitating to a great degree. You '11 be 
tir'd of my hand writing, but I hope not at the truth and regard with 
which 

I am atfect'> y™. Lansdown. 



WILLIAM BINGHAM 1 TO RICHARD PRICE. 

New York, Decern' 1, 1786. 

Dear Sir, — You were so obliging as to indulge me with the prom- 
ise of your correspondence, on my return to this country. I have been 
prevented (from various avocations) from availing myself of many 
opportunities that have offered to inform you of my arrival. 

I must confess that I did not find the United States in as flourishing 
a situation as I had reasou to expect. Many circumstances have com- 
bined to check their prosperity. Their immense consumption of foreign 
manufactures has greatly injured them, by involving them in a heavy 

' William Bingham, a member of the United States Senate from 170.5 to 1801, 
was born in Pliil.i.lelpliia in 1751, ami died in Bath, England, Feb. 7, 1804. His 
eldest daughter married Alexander Baring, first Baron Ashburton. — Eds. 



102 

debt to Europe, which they will uot be able to extinguish in uiriiiy 
years. In the mean while, the specie of the country, which after the 
war constituted its only circulating medium, has been almost wholly 
exported, and many of the States have had recourse to the dangerous 
expedient of paper money, which by not being iu general well funded 
has in many instances greatly depreciated. 

The Confederation is likewise an evil of au alarming nature. It does 
not pos.sess sufficient powers to constitute a firm, vigorous, and energetic 
government, such as so extensive a country demands. The individual 
States, from the sufferings they are exposed to from the weakne.'^.s and 
inefficiency of the Confederacy, seem disposed to vest Congress with 
such authorities as are necessary to pursue and preserve the general 
interests of the Union. This will make their administration respect- 
able abroad and vigorous at home. 

There is often a turn in human affairs which batHes the foresight of 
the wisest men. After the immense expences that G. Britain incurred 
in the prosecution of the war, her most sanguine friends had no idea of 
her affairs being so soon retrieved, and her situation so prosperous as 
it now appears to be. .She is indebted for these advantages to the wis- 
dom of her councils and the energy of her government. 

I hope the turn will soon take place in our affairs. Our resources 
are great, the industry and intelligence of our people are not to be sur- 
passed, and I do not believe there exists a greater fund of public and 
private virtue than iu this country. Nothing is wanting but a good 
government to direct these advantages to public good and private 
benefit. 

We have daily accessions of inhabitants from emigrations from dif- 
ferent parts of Europe, particularly Germany. It is a pleasing circum- 
stance to a benevolent mind to contemplate the advantageous situation 
this class of people is placed in on their arrival here. From being in 
a state of vassalage in their own country, mere hewers of wood and 
drawers of water, they find themselves entitled to all the rights of citi- 
zenship in a free country, and with a small pittance enabled to purchase 
a freehold estate for themselves and family. 

It is really fortunate for human nature, that there is a country 
where the oppressed of all nations may find a secoj'e asylum. 

I know no State in the Union that would be so envied as Pennsyl- 
vania, if it was not so defective in its constitution and form of govern- 
ment. By possessing but a single branch of legislature, subject to an 
annual change, its laws are very often crude and indigested, and its 
conduct governed by no system. A few factious and designing men, 
possessed of popular talents, may at any time throw the councils of the 
country into confusion, and, if (heir views are selfish, bend the public 
business to meet their private convenience. 



103 

However, as our constitutiou has wisely fixed a septeunial period, 
when its defects may be remedied by a council of Censors and a 
Convention, I hope the citizens of the State will take advantage of this 
circumstance, and adopt a more perfect form of government. 

Having the honor of being appointed to represent the State of Penn- 
sylvania in Congress, I shall reside here for the greatest part of the 
ensuing year. 

Please to make my compliments to M" Price, and believe me to be 
with great regard, dear Sir, 

Your obed', hble serv'. W" Bingham. 

P. S. Plea.se to inform me if there are any new political publica- 
tions of any note. 



MARQUIS OF LANSDOWNE TO RICHARD PRICE 

B[ow..iid] P[ark], IQ"" Dec', 1786. 

Mr DEAR Friend, — I have read your volume of Sermons with 
that interest which I must ever take in whatever comes from you. 

The first reflects back my own opinions so forcibly upon me, that I 
am of course struck with it, and think it should not only be read but 
taught in every school of every sect in England. Children should 
learn to spell out of it. 

I never read thirty pages of any book whatever more happily ei- 
press'd, or with which I was more captivated than I am with your 
seventh sermon. 

At the same time that I take the liberty of [jarticularizing these two, 
I must say that I read all the rest with the greatest pleasure. 

I admire the repeated cautions you give against uncharitableness in 
matters of opinion, as well as your declining in such express terms 
against all desire of proselytism, your object being to assist enquiry, it 
not being requird of us to find out Truth so much as to endeavour to 
find it out and practice it, which last alone can give satisfaction to a 
Christian mind, and your absolution of those innocent people who fall 
into involuntary error, but above all, the very fair manner in which you 
confess at the end of your fifth sermon the doubts which have occurr'd 
sometimes to your own mind upon .some important principles, which 
gives so much weight to those, still more important, upon which you pro- 
fess never to have entertaln'd any in any circumstance of life. These 
are truly Christian sentiments, and accompanied with such proofs of 
sincerity and unaffected candor, as I imagine must make an impression 
on whoever hears or reads them. 

I am highly pleas'd too with the spirit with which you acknowledge 



104 

the obligations which the Dissenters owe to the publick for not execut- 
ing the penal laws, and the warning you give the hierarchy, who appear 
so stupidly insensible to the danger as well as duty of their situation. 

The concise and plain manner in which you expose the absurditys 
of the two extremes is full of information to such people as me, who 
want either time or patience to read the volumes which I see daily pub- 
lisiiing on these subjects, and seems well calculated to prevent people 
from wasting their time in reading such useless books, tho' I suppose it 
may not be so easy a matter to check the ardour of those who write 
theia^ The idea of a spontaneous instrumentality is perfectly new to 
me, and, if I was not afraid of going out of my depth, I should suppose 
it capable of accounting for a great deal indeed. 

If 1 was desir'd to find an objection to any part of the whole, and 
could venture to risque speaking impertinently upon a subject to which 
I am so little competent, which nothing but your friendship could en- 
courage me to do, I should be led to doubt whether you do not bestow 
too nuich pains in inculcating the middle line, and whether you do not 
descend almost to controversy, if it was not for the very wise advertise- 
ment you have plac'd after your title page. I am almost sorry upon 
this account for a severe expression or two which you have let drop in 
your second sermon. There is nothing of which I am more convinc'd 
than that the effect of all church controversy as the world stands must 
be the making Christians deists and deists atheists. To what else can 
the conceit which you say poor D' Priestly has pick'd up in his flight. 
If it was to get the length of forming a sect, I know of no other name 
to give his followers except that of atheistical Christians, men who 
would not believe in a God if it was not for .Jesus Christ. You know 
better than I do that the^ deists have their advantages. All negative ad- 
vantages are on their side, which is a great deal in any dispute. They 
have nothing to prove except the simplest of all things, which commands 
conviction upon the first mention of it, supported as it is by our very 
instinct. For tho' I have met with many who have call'd themselves 
atheists, particularly in France, I never met with any who upon reason- 
ing with him turn'd out any thing but a mere sceptic. How natural is 
it when two vulgar peo[)le are fighting, for a gentleman passing by to 
see that they are both in tiie wrong, and to get as soon as he can out of 
the bustle, especially if there is a great deal of good company inviting 
him with every expression which wit, humour, refin'd learning, benev- 
olent professions, easy arguments furnish. It is impossible that men 
will not go from brambles and thistles and walk in a plain open country 
so richly ornamented. Modern controversy appears to me always like 
a mob taking possession of the seat of justice, by which means large de- 
scriptions of meii are depriv'd of that consolation which can alone come 
from Christianity, of which you give so true a picture in your fifth ser- 



105 

mon. For no man of the least experience or observation but must ac- 
knowledge that it is not only a consolation but a sure support such as 
there is none like it in the hour of distress. But if prejudice once take 
a wrong turn belief, as I believe many men experience, can never be 
recover'd. Peace on Earth, Good Will toioards Men should be written 
over every divinity school of every sect in the world, but in the largest 
letters over every parish church, meeting house, &c. No controversy 
should be allow'd to enter there. I do not mean that it should be pre- 
vented by law, but other means should be found. No controversial 
writer or preacher should be allow'd to rise in the church. Let them 
stay in their closets and college.s, and live upon their own conceits, or 
share those allowances only which are appropriated to promote learn- 
ing. They do no good to mankind, and have no right to reward. For 
where they make one proselyte to their respective opinions I am sure 
tiiey let loose twenty.' Let, what would be still more comprehensive, 
eminent men on all occasions discountenance them and their works. 
Publick opinion, happily for ail of us, is sure sooner or later to govern 
government, and there are men who can go a great way in leading pub- 
lic opinion. Let all discourses of a controversial nature be printed 
seperate, except where they are merely calculated to cry down the very 
principle of it, and expose its folly, absurdity, and pernicious effects. 
All governments have been perfectly wise and right in endeavouring to 
preserve peace in the church, but as is mostly the case with power, they 
have been right as to the object but wrong as to the means. Let the 
law be only made use of to prevent one sect from denouncing vengeance 
against another; exactly upon the same principle upon which men are 
imprison'd for a breach of the peace. But I believe by this time you 
think ray sermon quite long enough. I know your friendship will put 
the best interpretation upon it, and you may laugh at it, provided you 
believe me, what I really am, 

Very alfec''' y™. Lansdown. 



JOHN ADAMS To RICHARD PRICE. 

Grosvenok Square, Feb. 1, 1787. 

Dear Sir, — I am happy to learn, by your obliging letter of the 

second of this month, that you have found some amusement, in the 

volume I left with you, and that I may entertain a liope of its doing 

any good.' It is but an humble tho' laborious office, to collect together 

1 Tlie first volume of Mr. Adams's " Defence of the Constitutions of Govern- 
ment of the Uniteil States of America, against the Attack of M. Turgot." This 
volume was pubhslied in London in 1787, as a complete work, and was immedi- 
ately reprinted in America in three editions, at Boston, New York, and Phila- 
delphia. The second and third volumes were published iu the following 
year. — Eds. 



106 

so many opinions and examples; but it m;iv point out to my young 
countrymen the genuine sources of information, upon a subject more 
interesting to them if possible than to the rest of the world. A work 
might be formed upon that plan which would be worthy of the pen and 
the talents of a Hume, a Gibbon, a Price or a Priestley, and I cannot 
but think that the two former would have employed their whole lives 
in forming into one system and view all the governments that exist, or 
are recorded, more beneticially to mankind than in attacking all the 
principles of human knowledge, or in painting the ruins of the Roman 
Empire, instead of leaving such an enterprise to the temerity of an 
American demagogue worn out with the cares and vexations of a tur- 
bulent life. 

There is no proposition, of which I am more fully satisfied, than in 
the necessity of placing the whole executive authority in one. This I 
know will make me unpopular with a number of persons in every 
American State, but this is no new thing. Before even the government 
of Virginia was erected, and t)ef()re the Convention that formed it met, 
which was several months before the Convention which made the con- 
stitution of Pennsylvania, in the beginning of 1776, I wrote at the desire 
of several gentlemen in Congress, a short sketch of a government 
which they caused to be printed under the title of Tlio\ights on Gov- 
ernment in a Letter from a Gi'ntleman to his Friend, in which three 
independent branches were insisted on. This pamphlet was scattered 
through the States and was known to be mine. Afterwards in 1779 in 
the Convention of Massachusetts, I sup|)orted to the utmost of my 
power the same system in public debates in Convention, as well as in 
the grand Committee and Sub Committee, and drew up the plan of their 
constitution, with a negative to the Governor. So that my opinion, 
such as it is, has always been generally known, and I am not apprehen- 
sive of any uncandid reflections in consequence of the late publication. 
On the contrary it is well known that M' Turgot's crude idea is really 
a personal attack upon me, whether he knew it or not, and therefore 
very proper that the defence should come from me. 

Your favourable sentiments of it oblige me very much. I have great 
reason to lam.ent the hurry in which it was done, having neither put pen 
to paper nor begun to collect the materials till after my return from 
Holland in September. Such a work too ought to have been grounded 
wholly upon oi-iginal authorities; whereas I have m.ade use of any pop- 
ular publication that happen'd to fall in ray way. If apologies were 
not always suspected, I should have made one. 

M" Adams and the children desire me to make you their affection- 
ate respects. With the highest esteem, I am, dear Sir, your most 

obedient servant, 

John Adams. 
The Uev' D' Price. 



10< 



BENJAMIN RUSH TO RICHARD PRICE. 

Philad*, April 6, 1787. 

Dkar Sik, — I am encouraged by the favourable reception you have 
given my humble attempts to advance the interests of humanity, to 
send you a copy of an essay vi^hich has for its object the happiness 
of a part of our fellow-creatures who 'till lately have been excluded 
from human benevolence.' I have sent a copy of it to M' Dilly with 
a preface, to suit it to the taste of the citizens of your country, to be 
re-published by him if he thinks proper. It will stand in need of the 
protectiou of all my friends, for not only the novelty of the opinions 
contained in it, but the rebel country of its author, will I fear expose it 
to oblocjuy and opposition. I enclose you also a copy of the laws of 
the Society before which it was read, of which our venerable friend 
D' Franklin is President. 

Mr. Sam' Vaughan is perfectly qualified to give you a just ace' of the 
political state of our country. With great respect, I am, d'' Sir, 
Your faithful friend and humble serv'. 

Benj" Rush. 



BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO RICHARD PRICE. 

Philad*, May 18, 1787. 

IMr DEAR Friend, — I received your favour of Jan. "26 with the 
volume of Sermons, for which please to accept my thanks. I have 
read them with great pleasure, and I think no one can read them with- 
out improvement. 

I condole with you on the loss of that excellent woman, so long your 
pleasing companion. The being depriv'd of dear friends and relations 
one after another, is a very severe tax we pay for living a great while 
ourselves. But such is the miserable state of things in tiiis period 
of our existence ; the rectification is only to be expected in that which 
is to come. 

My health continues as when M" Vaughan left us. My malady 
does not grow perceptibly worse, and I hope may continue tolerable to 
my life's end, which cannot now be far distant, being in ray 82'' year. 

On farther consideration of my scheme for sinking the national debt, 
I became so doubtful of it as not to venture exposing it to Baron 
Maseres. I must digest it a little better. 

1 " An Enquiry into tlie Effects of Public Punishments upon Criminals, and 
upon Society. Read in tlie Society for promoting Political Enquiries, convened 
at the house of his Excellency Benjamin Franklin, Esquire, in Philadelphia, 
Marcli !)th, 1787." — Eds. 



108 

We have now meeting here a Convention of the principal people in 
the several States, for the purpose of revising the federal Constitution, 
and proposing such amendments as shall be thought necessar)'. It is 
a most important business, and I hope will be attended with success. 

With great and sincere esteem, I am ever, my dear Friend, 

Yours most atTectionately. 

15. FUANKLIN. 

If you have not receiv'd the Vol. of our Transactions I will send 
you another. 



BENJAMIN RUSH TO RICHARD PRICE. 

Philadelphia, June 2"'', 1787. 

Dear Sik, — I set down with great pleasure to inform you that 
eleren States have this day been represented in the Convention now 
assembled in this city for the purpose of revising the federal Constitu- 
tion. A delegation is expected in a few days from the 12"'. Rhode 
Island is destined to all the distress and infamy that can arise from her 
total seperation from the Confederacy. Iler insignificance in point ot 
numbers, strength, and character render this event of no consequiiice to 
the general interests of the Union. 

D' Franklin exhibits daily a spectacle of transcendent benevolence 
by attending the Convention punctually, and even taking part in its 
business and deliberations. He says "it is the most august and respec- 
table Assembly he ever was in in his life, and adds, that he thinks they 
will soon finish their business, as there are no prejudices to oppose, nor 
errors to refute in any of the body." Mr. Dickinson (who is one of 
them) informs me that they are all united in their objects, and he 
e.\pects they will be equally united in the means of attaining them. 
Mr. Adams's book has diffused such excellent principles among us, that 
there is little doubt of our adopting a vigorous and compounded federal 
legislature. Our illustrious minister in this gift to his country has 
done us more service than if he had obtained alliances for us with all 
the nations in Europe. 

You must not be surprised if you should hear of our new system of 
government meeting with some opposition. There are in all our 
States little characters, whom a great and respectable government will 
sink into insignificance. These men will excite factions among us, but 
they will be of a temporary duration. Time, necessitj', and the gradual 
operation of reason will carry it down, and if these faM force will not 
be wantini^ to carrv it into execution, for not only all the wealth but 
all tile military men of our country (associated in the Society of the 



109 

Cincinnati) are in favor of a wise and efficient government. Tiie order 
of nature is the same iu the political as it is in the natural world, — 
good is derived chiefly from evil. We are travelling fast into order 
and national happiness. The same enthusiasm now pervades all classes 
iu favor of govenimeat, that actuated us in favor of liberty in tlie years 
1774 and 1775, with this difference, that we are more united in the 
former than we were in the latter pursuit. When our enemies triumph 
in our mistakes and follies, tell them that we are men, that we walk 
upon two legs, that we possess reason, passions, and senses, and that 
under these circumstances it is as absurd to expect the ordinary times 
of the rising and setting of the sun will be altered, as to suppose 
we shall not finally compose and adopt a suitable form of government, 
and he happy in the blessings which are usually connected with it. 

The enclosed newspaper contains an address siuted to our present 
hour of difficulty and danger. The sentiments contained in it will dis- 
cover its author. I enclose you likewise a copy of the order to be 
observed next week in the dedication of our new German and English 
temple of science and religion.' 

Accept of my thanks for the copy of your Sermons by D' White. I 
have read them with great pleasure. I have even done more. I have 
transcribed part of one of them for the benefit of a pious and accom- 
plished female correspondent in a neighbouring State. I am pleased 
with the moderation with which you have discussed the controverted 
doctrines in the first five discourses. I confess I have not and cannot 
admit your ojiinions, having long before I met with the Arian or 
Socinian controversies, embraced the doctrines of universal salvation 
and final restitution. My belief in these doctrines is founded wholly 
upon the Calvanistical account (and which I believe to be agreeable lo 
the tenor of Scripture) of the person, power, goodness, mercy, and other 

1 Tlie reference is prohably to the opening of tlic German College at Lancas- 
ter, now called Franklin and Marsliall College, which was incorporated .March 
10, 1787. "A college has lately been founded by the state in Lancaster, and 
committed chiefly to the care of the Germans of all sects for the purpose of 
diifusing learning among their children. In this college they are to be taught 
the German and English languages, and all those branches of literature which 
are usually tauglit in the colleges of Europe and America." (See Rush's 
Account of the Manners of the German Inhabitants of Pennsylvania, written in 
1789, pp. 42, 43). In the "Pennsylvania Packet," June IH, 1787, is a brief refer- 
ence to the same institution. — " Every person, says a correspondent, must view 
with pleasure the establishment of a college for the benefit of the Germans in 
Pennsylvania. By means of this institution, so happily adapted to the national 
prejudices and religious principles of these useful citizens, tlie English language 
will be conveyed to them in its purity, and with all the modern improvements. 
In consequence of this event, knowledge of every kind will likewise be conveyed 
to them with ease, and the government of the state will thereby become more 
safe and uniform." — Eds. 



110 

divine attributes of the Saviour of the World. These principles, my 
(h^ar friend, have bound mc to the whole human race ; these are the 
principles which animate me in all my labors for the interests of uiy 
fellow creatures. No particle of benevolence, no wish for the liberty 
of a slave or the reformation of a criminal will be lost. They must 
all be finally made effectual, for they all flow from the great author of 
goodness who implants uo principles of action in man in vain. I 
acknowledge I was surprised to tind you express yourself so cautiously 
and sceptically upon this point. Had you examined your own heart, 
3'ou would have found in it the strongest proof of the truth of the doc- 
trine. It is this light which shineth in darkness, and which the dark- 
ness as yet comprehendeth not, that has rendered you so useful to 
your country and to the world. 

I beg pardon for this digression from the ordinary subjects of our 
correspondence. I submit my opinions with humility to that being 
who will not. as you happily Sxpress it. punish involuntary errors, 
if such h.ave been embraced by me. I selilom distress myself with 
speculative inquiries in religion, being fully satisfied that our business 
is to be good here, that we may be wise hereafter. 

With great respect, I am, dear Sir, your friend and humble servant, 

IJknj'' Rush. 



BENJAMIN HUSH TO RICHAUl) PKICE. 

I'nii.ADKLPniA, July 20, 1787. 

Deak Sir, — The bearer the Rev'' M' Winchester' has yeilded to 
an inclination he has long felt of visiting London, and has applied to 
me for a letter to you, for Americans of every profession and rank 
cxpec't to find a friend in the friend of human kind. You are no 
stranger to his principles. I can with great pleasure add, that his life 
and conversation have fully proved that those principles have not had 
an unfavourable influence upon the heart. With a few oddities in 
dress and manner, he has maintained among both friends and enemies 
the character of an honest man. He leaves many sincere friends 
behind him. I know not how his peculiar doctrine of Universal Sal- 
vation may be received in London. But in every part of America it 
has advocates. In New England it continues to spread rapidly. In 
this city a M' Blair, a Presbyterian minister of great abilities and 

1 Rev. Ellianan Wincliester, born in Hrookline, Massachusetts, Sept. 30, 17.')1, 
(lieil in Uartibnl, Connecticut, April 18, 1797. In 1781 lie foundeil a Univcr- 
salist church in riiilailclpliia. In 1787 he went to England, wlicre he preached 
witli much success, and remained lor several years. — Eds. 



Ill 

extensive learning, and equally flistinguished for his humility and piety, 
has openly professed his belief of it from the pulpit. 

i\I' Winchester will deliver you two or three of our last newspapers. 
With great respect I am, d' Sir, 

Your friend and humble serv'. 

Ben.i" Rush. 
P. S. All will end well from the federal convention. 



WILLIAM WHITE 1 TO RICHARD PRICE. 

Philadelphia, .July 31, 1787. 
Rev° Sir, — A gentleman who is preparing to embark from this 
city for England to submit a mathematical instrument to the inspection 
of the Royal Society, has asked of me a letter to some member of that 
honourable body ; and on such an occasion, who sh'' so naturally occur 
to me as the gentleman tiiro' whose good offices I was admitted to one 
of their meetings ? 

The bearer Mr. Joseph Workmau is possessed of a mathematical 
instrument invented by his brother M' Beiij" Workman of this city 
for taking the variation of the needle ; for which they propose to solicit 
a patent, if it sh'' be approved of by the Society. [ solicit your patron- 
age for the introducing of the work to a candid examination ; and your 
zeal for the advancement of the arts makes me flatter myself that I 
shall be successful, even were I not to add (as I can do with great 
truthj that the gentlemen who will be benefited by the success of it 
are worthy characters and have served with approbation as tutors in 
the University of this city. 

The interest you take. Sir, in the civil happiness of America will 
doubtless make you anxious to hear of the event of the Convention now 
sitting for the improvement of our federal <;overnment. As thev 
observe secrecy in their measures, I have cautiously avoided every 
thing which might look like a prying into their system. Thus much, 
however, I find, that gentlemen among them whom I consider as 
posessed of great and enlightened minds entertain agreeable prospects 
on the occasion. It is now well known that they have settled the prin- 
ciples of the plan which they are to propose, as the body have lately 
adjourned for a short time, leaving a Committee to digest and arrange 
the business. 

I am, Rev'' Sir, with great respect, 

Your very humble serv', Wm : White. 

ReVi D' Price. 

1 Kt. Rev. William Wliite, first Bisliop of the Protestant Episcopal Cluircli in 
Pennsylviinia, was born in Pliilaiielphia April 4, 1748, ami ilied there July 17, 
1836. He was in Englaufl frnni 1770 to 1772 and again in 17^0-87. — Eds. 



112 



JOSEPH VVILLAKl) TO HICHAKD PRICE. 

Camiuudoe, Nov 10, 1788. 

Rev° Sir, — I received a letter from you some time ago accom- 
panied by the tliird edition of your volume upon Morals for our 
Library. I have presented it to the Corporation, who have desired 
me to return you their thanks for this new instance of your kindness. 

I am pleased to find that you are so far satisfied with our new federal 
Constitution. Eleven of the States have adopted it and the general 
government is to be organized the next March. It is to be hoped 
that this new government will have more enei-gy than the old ; and 
indeed it is so constituted that I tiiink it must necessarily be the case. 
It is impossible that we should be a flourishing people or have national 
distinction if we sliould continue to go on as we have done since the 
conclusion of the war which established our independence. Recom- 
mendations may do in times of danger ; but seldom is it that they will 
have the efficacy of laws in a time of peace. Several of the State 
Conventions have recommended alterations. Some of Ihem, if adopted, 
would, it is probable, improve the Constitution ; and I think it likely 
that this will after a while take place. 

I am very happy to find that your new College is in a flourishing 
situation. I ardently wish it may be of extensive utility to the Dis- 
senting Interest in your island, both in ecclesiastical and secular 
regards. A greater diffusion of knowledge among the body of Dis- 
senters must be attended with important advantages. They are the 
strenuous assertors of religions liberty ; and I look upon them to be 
very great supporters of the civil liberties of your nation. I rejoice 
that your new literary Society is entirely free from the shackles of 
subscriptions in which it imitates the liberality of this University, 
which enjoins no human formula as a standard of faith, and whose 
members are received from all religious denominations that offer. 

Some time ago I mentioned to you the subject of a Greek Lexicon 
where each sense of the words should be given in English and sup- 
ported by classical authority in the manner of Ainsvvorth's Latin Dic- 
tionary. I am still of opinion that such a Greek-English Lexicon 
would greatly facilitate the learning of that admirable language among 
youth and that we sliould have many more who would aci|uaint them- 
selves with the immortal writers of Greece and Rome than has commonly 
been the case. Is there no one among you. Sir, who is capable of the 
business that might be induced to undertake such a work? How is it 
with D' Ilarwood? I find by a number of passages in his " View of 
the various cilitions of tlie Greek ami h'oinaii Clnssics," that he has been 
a considerable reader in Greek. If he should be competent to such a 
work would he not have leisure for it ? If you and a number of the 



113 

literati of your acquaintance should have the same opinion of the utility 
of such a lexicon as I have, might you not influence some proper hand 
to set about it ? However, I will say nothing farther upon the subject. 
Your own judgment will determine whether these hints are worthy of 
any attention. 

I have sent you several pamphlets and tracts which I hope will be 
some amusement to you. I have also sent you the Massachusetts 
Register for 1789. 

The American Academy of Arts and Sciences having voted to 
furnish all their elected members with certificates, I take this oppor- 
tunity of sending yours. Will you be so kind as to give D' Priest- 
ley's certificate to him, which I have enclosed with yours ? 

I must ask the favor of you. Sir, to send the packets and letters 
accompanying yours to the gentlemen to whom they are directed. I 
am loth to give you this trouble, but I know of no other gentleman 
with whom I can take ecjual freedom. 

I am, with the greatest esteem, Rev*" Sir, 

Your very humble servant, 

Kev^ Richard Price, D.D. Joseph Willakh. 

I have engaged a friend to send this by Cap' Scott, who will see that 
you have it free of expence. 



THOMAS JEFFERSON TO RICHARD PRICE. 

Paris, .July \2, 1780. 
Dear Sir, — The delay of my conge permits me still the pleasure 
of continuing to communicate the principal things which pass here. I 
have already informed you that the proceedings of the States General 
were tied up by the difficulty which arose as to the manner of voting, 
whether it should be by persons or orders. The Tiers at length gave 
an ultimate invitation to the other two orders to come and join them, 
informing them at the same time that if they did not they would pro- 
ceed without them. The majority of the clergy joined them. The 
king then interposed by the seance royale, of which you have heard. 
The decision he undertook to pronounce was declared null by the 
assembly and they proceeded in business. Tumults in Paris and Ver- 
sailles and still more the declared defection of the souldiery to the 
popular cause produced from tlie king an invitation to the Nobles 
and the minority of the clergy to go and join the common assembly. 
They did so, and since that time the three orders are in one room, 
voting by persons, ami without any sensible dissension. Still the body 
of the nobles are rankling at the heart ; but I see no reason to appre- 



114 

lieiid any great evil from it. Another appearance indeed, the approach 
of a great number of troops, principally foreiguera, have given uneasi- 
ness. The Assembly addressed the King in an elegant and masculine 
stile. His answer, tho' dry, disavows every object but that of keeping 
the two capitals cjuiet. The States then are in ipiiet possession of the 
powers of the nation, and have begun the great work of building up a 
constitution. They appointed a committee to arrange tiie order in 
wliich they should proceed, and T will give you the arrangement, 
because it will shew you they mean to begin the building at the 
bottom, and know how to do it. They entitle it " Ordre du travail." 
" 1. Every government should have for its only end the preservation 
of the rights of man : whence it follows that to recall constantly the 
government to the end proposed, the constitution should begin by a 
declaration of the natural and imprescriptible rights of man. 2. Mo- 
narchical government being proper to maintain the.se rights, it has been 
chosen by the French nation. It suits especially a great society ; it is 
necessary for the liappiness of France. The declaration of the ])rinii- 
ples of this government then should follow immediately the declaration 
of the rights of man. 3. It results from the principles of monarchy, 
that the nation, to assure its own rights, has yeilded particular rights to 
the monarch ; the constitution then should declare in a precise manner 
the rights of both ; it should begin by declaring the rights of the 
French nation, and then it should declare the rights of the king. 
4. The rights of the king and nation not existing but for the happi- 
ness of the individuals who compose it, they lead to an e.xamination of 
the rights of citizens. 5. The French nation, not being capable of 
assembling individually to exercise all its rights, it ought to be repre- 
sented. It is necessary then to declare the form of its representation 
and the rights of its representatives. 6. From the union of the powers 
of the nation and king should result the enacting and e.vecution of the 
laws ; thus then it should first be determine<l how the laws shall 
3 enacted ; afterwards should be considered how they shall be exe- 
*ed. 7. Laws have for their object the general administration of the 
kingdom, the property and the actions of the citizens. The execution 
of the laws which concern the general administration requires provin- 
cial and municipal assemblies. It is necessary to examine then what 
should be the organisation of the provincial assemblies, and what 
of the municipal. 8. The execution of the laws which concern the 
property and actions of the citizens call for a jvidiciary power. It 
should be deleimined how that should be confi<led, and then its duties 
and limits. 9. For the execution of the laws and the defence of the 
kingdom, there exists a public force. It is necessary then to deter- 
mine the principles which should direct it, and how it should be 
employed. 



115 

Recapitulation. 

Declaration of the rights of man. Principles of the monarchy. 
Rights of the nation. Rights of the king. Rights of the citizens. 
Organisation and rights of the national assembly. Forms necessary 
for the enaction of laws. Organisation and functions of the provin- 
cial and municipal assemblies. Duties and limits of the judiciary 
power. Functions and duties of the military power." 

The declaration of the rights of man, which constitutes the 1" chapter 
in this work, was brought in the day before yesterday and referred to 
the bureaus. You will observe that these are the outlines of a great 
work, and be assured that the body engaged in it are equal to a 
masterly execution of it. They may meet with some difficulties from 
within their body and some from without ; there may be small and 
temporary checks ; but I think they will persevere to its accomplish- 
ment. The mass of the people is with tiiem ; the effective part of the 
clergy is with them ; so I believe is the souldiery and a respectable 
proportion of the officers. They have against them tiie high officers, 
the high clergy, the noblesse and the parliaments. This, you see, is 
an army of officers without souldiers. Should this revolution succeed, 
it is the beginning of the reformation of the governments of Europe. 
I received a note from Mr. Morgan, your nephew,' yesterday. I asked 
him to dine with me, but he was going to Versailles. He is to call 
on me to-morrow. Is there any thing good on the subject of the 
Sociuian doctrine, levelled to a mind not habituated to abstruse reason- 
ing ? I would thank you to recommend such a work to me. Or have 
you written any thing of that kind ? That is what I .should like best, 
as none are so easy to be understood as those who understand them- 
selves. I am with great sincerity, dear Sir, 

Your affectionate friend and servant, 

Th : Jefferson. 



'^ 



BENJAMIN RUSH TO RICHARD PRICE. 

Philadelphia, April 24, 1790. 
Dear Sir, — Accept of my thanks for your e.x;cellent Sermon 
preached before the Revolution Society. It is pregnant with noble 
sentiments. I rejoice to hear of your perseverance in opposing the 
infamous test laws of your country which disgrace both human reason 
and Christianity. They cannot much longer withstand the formidable 
attacks which have been made upon them. In the United States we 
view your religious establishment with horror, and the man who would 

' George Cadogan Morgan. — Eds. , 



116 

attempt to flefeiid it publickly or privately would be consigned to 
a physician, iii,stea<l ot a casuist or a politician, to be cured of his 
error. 

The papers will inform you of the death of our late illustrious and 
beloved friend D' Franklin. The evening of his life was marked by 
the same activity of his moral and intellectual powers which dis- 
tinguished its meridian. Three days before he die<l he dictated a 
letter upon very important business relative to the boundaries of the 
United States to M' JeflFerson, and three weeks before his death lie 
wrote and published a very agreeable and ingenious parody upon 
a speech of a member of Congress in favor of the slavery of llie 
Africans. His conversation with his family upon the subject of his 
dissolution was free and chearful. A few days before he died, he rose 
from his bed and begged that it might be made up for him so that he 
might die " in a decent manner." His daughter told him that she 
hoped he would recover, and live many years longer. He calmly 
replied " He hoped not." Upon being advised to change his position 
in bed that he might breath easy, he said " A dying man can do nothing 
easy." His will has extended his benevolence beyond the grave. He 
has left £1000 to the city of Boston, and the same sum to the city of 
Philad" ; that to our city is to be put out on compound interest for 
15 years, and afterwards to be applied to supply the inhabitants with 
water by means of aqueducts, for before that time he predicted, that 
the water at present obtained from pumps will be so much contami- 
nated by theencrease of offal matters in our city as to be unwholesome. 
The remainder of his estate he has bequeathed to his daughter and 
grandson, excepting from it only a legacy to his sister in Boston, and 
all his lands in Nova Scotia to his son Gov' Franklin now in London. 

All orders and bodies of people among us have vied with each other 
in paying tributes of respect to his memory. The Philosophical So- 
ciety, of which he was President, have ordered a funeral eulogiuin 
to be delivered in honor of his illustrious character. Kven the govern- 
ment of the United States have shared in the general sympathy, 
agreeing to wear mourning for one month for him ; thus proclaiming 
to the world that republics are not deticient in gratitude to those men 
who have deserved well of their country for wisdom and virtue. I had 
like to have forgot to mention that he desired in his will that the ele- 
gant epitaph (suggested by his original occupation) which he composed 
for himself some years ago should be inscribed upon his tombstone. 
By this request he has declared his belief in the Christian doctrine of 
a resurrection. 

From, my dear Sir, yours sincerely, 

Bknj" Rush. 



117 



RICHARD PRICE TO 



[[September or October, 1790. J 



Dear Sir, — I should not have delay'd so long writing to you had 
I not been for the last nine weeks absent on an excursion into the 
country in hopes of obtaining a recruit of health and spirits. I am now 
settled at home and glad to employ some of my first moments of leisure 
in making the acknowledgments I owe to you for your last letters. I 
am always truly sensible of the kindness of your attention, and of the 
honour it does me. 

Our P^east on the 14th of July was very animating; and I think 
with satisfaction on the concern I had in calling together the friends 
of the Revolution in France, to testify on that day their joy. This 
meeting has, 1 find, in France been mistaken for a meeting of our 
Revolution Society. But the members of this Society made but an 
inconsiderable part of that company ; and it is probable that they will 
make but an inconsiderable part of the company that will attend our 
annual feast on the 4th of November next for commemorating the 
British Revolution. Earl Stanhope has been the Chairman at these 
public dinners, and I hope he will continue to be so; but the Society 
has at present no fixed President. It is, however, now increasing ; and 
it will, I hope, in time become sufficiently respectable to deserve the 
notice with which your Society of 1789 has honoured it. 

The letter from the district of Quimper in Bretagne has, you will 
easily believe, given me particular pleasure." I request the favour of 
you to convey the enclosed answer to the President. I have sent it 
open that you may read it. I have received another letter from a Lit- 
terarj' Society at L'Orient. I know not well how to convey my answer 
to it. May I rely so far on your goodness as to beg the farther favour 
that you, after reading and sealing it, would convey it in whatever 
manner you may think best ? 

I am glad to find that you have recovered M. Turgot's letter. It 
is not indeed a letter of much importance, nor did I receive from him 
any letter more interesting except that whicli I have publishM, and 
also one in which he gave me an account of the reasons of his dismis- 

1 Dr. Price died April 19, 1791, and this letter must have been written about 
six months before his deatli. — Ens. 

^ The reference is to an address to Dr. Price from the principal inhabitants of 
Quimper. It is now in the possession of Miss Caroline E. Williams, a great- 
grandniecc of Dr. Price. — Eds. 



118 

sioii from power. This last letter I am afraid I shall never be able to 
recover. 

I have not seen ray frieiul Mr. Vaughan since my return from the 
country. Probably he may before this time have performed the 
promise he made to convey to M. de Veillard his observations on Dr. 
Franklin's Memoirs of his owu life. I had read these memoirs, and 
writ to Dr. Franklin in consequcTice of having read them about a 
fortnight before I received the account of his death. This letter must 
have fallen into the hands of his Executors ; and as it contains all the 
remarks I had to offer, I have copy'd it for your perusal. 

Tliere have been two other deaths this year among my acquaintance 
and friends which have greatly affected me. I mean, Mr. Howard's 
death and Dr. .Smith's.' The former liad been my intimate friend from 
early life. The latter I looked up to as a writer of the first abilities. 
A few weeks before his death I had writ to him in consequence of 
having received from him the sixth edition of his Treatise on Morals. 
This work in the former editions of it made but one volume. In this 
edition it is increased into two volumes. In the Preface he takes no- 
tice of a promise he had made to the public of a treatise on the gen- 
eral principles of law and governm' and the different revolutions they 
ha<l undergone in the different ages and periods of society, and then 
adds that he had performed this promise in his book on the wealth of 
nations as far as it concerned police, revenue and arms, but that with 
respect to what remained (the Theory of Jurisprudence) his occupa- 
tions had prevented hira. He had not, however, abandoned the design, 
tho' his very advanced age had left him very little ex])ectation of being 
able to execute so great a work to his own satisfaction. Soon after 
this, death put an end to all his labours ; and this must soon happen to 
us all. Happy are those who at the close of life can reflect that they 
have lived to a valuable jiurpose by contributing as he did, to enlighten 
mankinil and to spread the blessings of peace and liberty and virtue. 
He was indeed one of the ablest writers, and his personal character 
was, as far I ever knew or heard, irreproachable. We thought differ- 
ently on the subject of the origin of our ideas of moral good and evil, 
but such differences among speculative men must always exist, and 
they do good by occasioning a more thorough investigation of important 
points, and in the end a clearer developem' of truth. Dr. Smith had 
been gradually declining for more than a year Ijefore he died, nor do I 
know that his disorder had any particular name given it. His only 
publications were his treatises on morals and on the wealth of nations, 



' .Idliii Howard, the pliilaiitliropist, cheii Jan. 20, 1790, ami Adiim Sniitli, 
autlior of the "Wealth of Nations," ilieil Jvil.v 17, 1700. — Eds. 



119 

and I am told that he has left the world no room to hope for any 
posthumous work, except, perhaps, a few Essays. He had burnt mauy 
volumes of manuscripts to prevent the possibility of publishing them. 
Mr. Dugald Stuart, the Professor of Moral Philosophy at Edinburgh, 
is to give an account of his life in the Edinburgh Philosophical Trans- 
actious, and to attend it with some critical remarks ou his books on 
morals and the wealth of nations. 



<f 



o. 



